Endmatter

Endnotes

¹ 初見秦. This was the memorial Han Fei Tzŭ presented to the King of Ch`in at his first interview with the ruler in 233 b.c. This King reigned from 246 to 210 b.c., and upon his complete success in world-conquest in 221 b.c. designated himself as Shih Huang Ti or the Initiating Emperor. A number of commentators misled by the Schemes of the Warring States have mistaken this work for the first memorial presented to King Hui of Ch`in by Chang Yi, who entered the Ch`in State in 333 b.c. and was appointed Prime Minister in 328 b.c. In so doing, however, they have entirely ignored the counter-evidence that many of the facts adduced in the memorial happened after Chang Yi's death in 309 b.c.

² 天下 to the Chinese since classic antiquity has meant all that they can survey under Heaven. It is therefore used sometimes as a collective noun and sometimes as a noun common but plural. Throughout my translation its English rendering is usually "All-under-Heaven" and casually "the world". By 天下 in this chapter and the following one Han Fei Tzŭfrequently meant the allies against Ch`in.

³ 合從. The Perpendicular Union, of which Han Fei Tzŭwas an eyewitness, was the confederacy of the states to the east and south of Ch`in. It was originally advocated and presided over by Su Ch`in in 333 b.c.

⁴ Here is the first instance of my adding words to the ideas of the original in order to increase its intelligibility. To be sure, among the allies the Chao State was located in the centre.

⁵ Han Fei Tzŭused Ching instead of Ch`u on purpose to avoid calling the father of the king by name which was Tzŭ-ch`u. Ching became the epithet of the Ch`u State because it was the style of the capital of Ch`u as well as the name of a mountain close by the city.

⁶ Roughly speaking, Ch`in was situated to the west of the allies in Allunder-Heaven.

⁷ Ch`ün (囷) is a round barn of crops; ts`ang (倉), a square one.

⁸ With Wang Hsien-shen 數十百萬 should be 數千百萬.

⁹ To bow the head in this case means to express one's strong will.

¹⁰ With Kao Hêng 至 below 不 should be 止.

¹¹ With Kao 事 below 相 means 視.

¹² With Kao Yu 奮 above 死 means 勇.

¹³ 霸王 was rendered into English as "leader of the feudal princes" by Giles, as "Lord Protector" by H. H. Dubs, and as "Tyrant" in the Greek sense by Y. P. Mei. During the Period of Spring and Autumn (722404b.c.) it was used as the style of a ruler first successful in foreign conquests and later capable of respecting the authorities of the Son of Heaven and protecting the rights of weaker and smaller states. The English renderings by Giles and Dubs, therefore, seem to suit the connotation of the term of this period better than Mei's. During the Era of the Warring States (403222b.c.), however, any feudal lord who could emerge to be the strongest among all paid no respect to the central authorities and gave no protection to any weaker and smaller State. What he aimed at was the complete annexation of All-under-Heaven under his tyrannical and imperial rule. Therefore to the connotation of the term during this period "Tyrant" in the Greek sense is more suitable than the other two renderings. I prefer to render it as "Hegemonic Ruler", which seems able to imply either "Lord Protector" or "Tyrant" or both, and so throughout the whole translation. The French rendering by Ed. Chavannes is "roi hégémon", but "roi" is not as comprehensive as "ruler"

¹⁴ Both the walls and the dikes were to the south of the city of modern P`ing-yin.

¹⁵ Waged in 284 b.c., the 31st year of King Nan of Chou, when General Yo Yi of Yen crushed the entire forces of Ch`i

¹⁶ In ancient China the chariot was the basic unit for estimating the military strength as well as the political rank of a feudal lord. One chariot carried thirteen heavily-armed soldiers and was followed by seventy-two infantrymen. Originally only the Son of Heaven was entitled to ten thousand chariots and a feudal lord to one thousand chariots; whereas during the Era of the Warring States every powerful feudal lord arrogated to himself ten thousand chariots. Therefore, the ruler of ten thousand chariots came to mean the ruler of one of the first-class powers. Moreover, during the Chou Dynasty emoluments were measured by chariots, one chariot being supported by a locality of six square li.

¹⁷ With Wang Hsien-shen 臣 should be supplied below 且.

¹⁸ Waged in 278 b.c., the 37th year of King Nan of Chou, when General Pai Ch`i of Ch`in crushed the entire forces of Ch`u.

¹⁹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 湖 below 五 should be 渚.

²⁰ Chao, Han, and Wey, which partitioned the Chin State in 403 b.c., the beginning year of the Era of the Warring States, were sometime called "Three Chins".

²¹ In the feudal days the Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain symbolized the centre of the people's common interests, not only religious but political and social as well.

²² 273 b.c., the 42nd year of King Nan, the 34th year of King Chao of Ch`in.

²³ Situated on the borderland between Ch`in and Wey.

²⁴ King Chao (307-250 b.c.) of Ch`in.

²⁵ With Wang Hsien-shen 狐 should be 孤 and 疑 below it is superfluous.

²⁶ With Wang 率天下西面以輿秦爲難 should be supplied below 令.

²⁷ Wey Jan was made Marquis Hsiang in 291 b.c. by King Chao of Ch`in.

²⁸ The Ch`in State and his private fief.

²⁹ Yü Yüeh proposed 上 for 下.

³⁰ In 260 b.c.

³¹ Ku Kuang-ts`ê proposed 羊腸 for 華.

³² The Schemes of the Warring States has 降 in place of 絳.

³³ With Ku 代 should be supplied above 上黨.

³⁴ Lu Wên-shao proposed 三十六 for 四十六.

³⁵ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 七十 should be 十七.

³⁶ To wait with clothes dropped and hands folded means to wait with ease and hope.

³⁷ In 259 b.c.

³⁸ With Wang Hsien-shen 兵 is a mistake for 與.

³⁹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 反 should be 及.

⁴⁰ In 257 b.c.

⁴¹ With Wang Hsien-shen 以 should be supplied below 固.

⁴² 天子 means the emperor as he governs the people in accordance with the will and the way of Heaven.

⁴³ Clothing in pure white symbolized mourning inasmuch as the event happened during the mourning period for King Wu's father.

⁴⁴ One of the Six Nobles who held fiefs in the then vast but weak Chin State. Other chapters of Han Fei Tzŭfrequently have 智 in place of 知.

⁴⁵ The feud of Earl Chi plus those of Han and Wey.

⁴⁶ I read 子 for 主 and so throughout the whole discussion.

⁴⁷ With Lu Wên-shao and Wang Hsien-shen 月 should be 年, which Kao Hêng considered absurd.

⁴⁸ With Lu Wên-shao and Wang Hsien-shen 數 should be supplied above 筮 as found in Chap. XIX.

⁴⁹ The Historical Records has 張孟同 in place of 張孟談.

⁵⁰ In 453 b.c. A rather detailed narration of the whole event is found in Chap. X.

⁵¹ With Lu Wên-shao 誠 should be 試 .

⁵² With Wang Hsien-shen 以 above 為 is superfluous and 王 below 為 should be 主.

¹ 存韓. The content of this chapter is not unique. The first part was the petition Han Fei Tzŭsubmitted to the King of Ch`in. It was followed by Li Ssŭ's memorial refuting Han Fei Tzŭ's arguments in favour of the preservation of the Han State and then by the memorial Li Ssŭ sent to the King of Han. These memorials were apparently compiled by subsequent editors.

² Italics mine.

³ With Wang Hsien-shen 韓 should be below 而.

⁴ Ku Kuang-ts`ê proposed 厚 for 原.

⁵ With Kao Hêng 攻 below 内 should read 共 which means 共給.

⁶ With Wang Wei 而共 above 二萬乘 is superfluous.

⁷ Ku Kuang-ts'ê proposed 韓 for 趙.

⁸ Lu Wên-shao proposed 臣 for 人.

⁹ The target of military operations—the common enemy of the world.

¹⁰ With Yü Yüeh and Wang Hsien-shen 韓 below 從 is superfluous.

¹¹ Ku Kuang-ts`ê and Wang Hsien-shen proposed 轉 for 韓.

¹² With this paragraph ends Han Fei Tzŭ's memorial.

¹³ Italics mine.

¹⁴ With Kao Hêng 臣斯 should be supplied above 甚以爲不然 inasmuch as this sentence as well as the preceding one was uttered by Li Ssŭ in his memorial.

¹⁵ Wang Wei proposed 秦 for 趙.

¹⁶ In 247 b.c. under the command of Lord Hsin-ling of Wey the allied forces of Chao, Ch`u, Han, Wey, and Yen defeated the Ch`in invaders and drove them as far back as the Pass of the Armour Gorge.

¹⁷ With Kao Hêng 爲重 means 求重.

¹⁸ With Kao 淫 below 陛下 means 惑.

¹⁹ 社稷之臣 literally means "ministers from the Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain", that is, such ministers as would risk their lives for the welfare of the state.

²⁰ Wang Wei proposed 蒙武 for 象武.

²¹ His mission was to persuade Ch`i to break with Chao.

²² This means that they signed and observed a mutual non-aggression pact.

²³ As a matter of fact, only Chao and Wey attacked Han in 273 b.c.

²⁴ Han served Ch`in for several generations, but Ch`in saved Han only once.

²⁵ Han joined Ch`i, Chao, Wey, Sung, and Central Hills, in attacking Ch`in in 296 b.c.

²⁶ In reality Ch`in made territorial cessions to bring the war to an end.

²⁷ In 278 b.c. General Pai Ch`i captured the capital of Ching.

²⁸ With Wang Hsien-shen 兵 above 士卒 is superfluous.

²⁹ Wey had sent envoys to Ch`in to conclude an alliance against Han.

³⁰ With Wang Hsien-shen 盈 should be supplied above 於耳.

³¹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 用 should be 周.

¹ 難言. In thought this is similar to Chap. XII which, however, is far more comprehensive and systematic than this. The historical facts quoted herein as illustrative of the basic ideas set forth in the first two paragraphs somehow or other lack coherence and seem even far-fetched in many respects.

² 貪生 literally means "clinging to life".

³ With Kao Hêng 躁 reads 譟 which means 詐.

⁴ In Chaps. XLIX and L Han Fei Tzŭseverely reproached the Confucians and the Mohists for their constant references to the teachings of the early kings and therefore condemned them as grubs and idlers. It was not his intention to attempt a defence of them in this passage, however.

⁵ The pen-name of Wu Yün. He sought refuge in the Wu State when his father Wu Shê and his elder brother Wu Shang were unjustly executed by the King of Ch`u in 522 b.c. In 511 b.c. he successfully persuaded King Ho-lü of Wu to invade Ch`u and thereby avenged his father and brother. Following the death of King Ho-lü he served King Fu-ch`a. In 494 b.c. he helped the young king wage a victorious war of revenge with King Kou-chien of Yüeh. Subsequently, because of Pai P`i's slanders against him, he was ordered by King Fu-ch`a to commit suicide with the famous Shu-lou sword (484 b.c.).

⁶ The pen-name of K`ung Ch`iu, namely, Confucius. While travelling in the K`uang State, he was mistaken for Yang Hu from Lu and was therefore detained.

⁷ Better known as Kuan Chung. Having served Prince Chiu, he helped him struggle for the throne with Prince Hsiao-pai when Duke Hsiang of Ch`i was murdered in 701 b.c. As Hsiao-pai entered the capital first and ascended the throne, Duke Chuang of Lu, who had been supporting Prince Chiu, suddenly changed his mind, killed the prince, and sent Kuan Chung in a prisoner cart to Ch`i. In Ch`i he was released by Hsiao-pai, then Duke Huan, and appointed Prime Minister.

⁸ The founder of the Yin, or sometimes called Shang, Dynasty. 有 above 湯 has no additional sense, but is often added to the name of a dynasty or a ruler so as to increase its dignity.

⁹ He was afterwards appointed Prime Minister by King T`ang.

¹⁰ His real name was Chi Ch`ang and the royal title was attributed to him after his death by his son, King Wu, founder of the Chou Dynasty.

¹¹ The last ruler of the Yin Dynasty and was like Chieh, the last ruler of the Hsia Dynasty, known for his personal vices and misgovernment.

¹² At Yu-li for seven years (1144-1137 b.c.).

¹³ Also called Marquis Ngo as Ih and Ngo were two places very close to each other.

¹⁴ The Historical Records has 九 in place of 鬼.

¹⁵ An uncle of Chow.

¹⁶ All these worthies were Chow's ministers.

¹⁷ He remonstrated with Duke Chuang of Ts`ao thrice but was never listened to, so that he had to abscond to the Ch`ên State.

¹⁸ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 伯 should be 百. His full name was Pai-li Hsi. He made his way through all hazards to Ch`in, till he succeeded in introducing himself to Duke Mu.

¹⁹ Prime minister to King Wu-ting of the Yin Dynasty.

²⁰ His full name was Sun Pin. When his fellow disciple named P`ang Chüan, who had studied military science with him under Kuei-ku Tzŭor Philosopher of the Devil Valley, became the commander-in-chief of the Wey army, he went to work under him. Meanwhile, P`ang Chüan became jealous of his talent, slandered him, and had his feet cut off through official censure. Thereupon he feigned himself insane and managed to go back to the Ch`i State, where he was charged with military affairs. In 341 b.c. he waged a successful war with Wey, during which P`ang Chüan was killed in ambush.

²¹ When he was Governor of the Western River Districts, Wang Tso slandered him, so that Marquis Wu of Wey dismissed him. On leaving his post, he stopped his carriage at Dike Gate and cast the last glance over the district and shed tears at the thought of its impending doom. In 387 b.c. he sought refuge in the Ch`u State and was appointed Prime Minister by King Cho. Despite all the meritorious services he had rendered to the country, he was dismembered by his political enemies upon the king's death in 381 b.c.

²² Prime minister to King Hui of Wey and patron of Kung-sun Yang. From his death-bed he told the king to appoint Yang his successor otherwise not to allow him to leave the country. Considering the dying man's opinion absurd, the King neither appointed Yang to office nor put him to death.

²³ He entered Ch`in in 361 b.c. As soon as he was entrusted by Duke Hsiao in 359 b.c. with all state affairs, he began to enforce his legalism. He enriched the state and strengthened the army and caused Wey many humiliating defeats till King Hui regretted with a sigh that he had not taken Kung-shu Tso's advice.

²⁴ He remonstrated with King Chieh against the construction of a wine pool and was killed because he would not stop remonstrating.

²⁵ A worthy minister to King Ling of Chou.

²⁶ No record of his life and times is left.

²⁷ Killed in 478 b.c. during the uprising caused by Prince Pai Shêng.

²⁸ No record of his life and times is left.

²⁹ With Yü Yüch 辜射 means 枯磔.

³⁰ A disciple of Confucius.

³¹ A minister to Marquis Wên of Wey.

³² A minister to Viscount Chien of Chao.

³³ Tsai Yü, a disciple of Confucius, and Kan Chih, T`ien Ch`ang's rival, had the same pen-name, that is, Tzŭ-wo. Therefore, Han Fei Tzŭ mistook Tsai Yü for Kan Chih.

³⁴ In 481 b.c.

³⁵ When Hsü Ku was sent to Ch`i as special envoy, Fan Chü was an attaché. His eloquence won great praises from the King of Ch`i but incurred Hsü Ku's suspicion. After their return to Wey, Hsü Ku told Premier Wey Ch`i that Fan Chü had betrayed the Wey State. Therefore Fan Chü was arrested and tortured till his ribs and teeth were broken. He then feigned himself dead and finally stole away to Ch`in, where he was appointed to office in 270 b.c.

³⁶ 十數人 should be 數十人 because the number of the worthies enumerated is above twenty.

³⁷ 君子. The superior man or plainly gentleman was here taken as the model man, which was, no doubt, due to the Confucian influences Han Fei Tzŭhad received from Hsün Tzŭunder whom he had spent the formative period of his thought.

¹ 愛臣.

² With Wang Wei 民 should be 威.

³ With Kao Hêng 管主 should be 後主.

⁴ With Kao 國 between 隆 and 家 is superfluous.

⁵ In 376 b.c. by the Chao, Han, and Wey Clans.

⁶ In 386 b.c. by the T`ien Clan.

⁷ 威淫.

⁸ 偏威.

⁹ With Yü Yüeh 藉 should read 籍 and 威 below it is superfluous.

¹ 主道. In style and thought this work is similar to Chap. VIII. Both show the same tendencies to vague verse and reveal metres, measures, and rhymes in many points. The mode of expression is elegant but the ideas are profound and abstract and therefore susceptible of different interpretations.

² With Kao Hêng the first 令 below 待 is superfluous.

³ With Yü Yüeh 知 should be 為.

⁴ Up to this paragraph the chapter deals with the theoretical aspects of the Tao of the sovereign. The rest of the chapter covers its practical sides. Hence its division into two parts by the Waseda University Press edition.

⁵ Vide infra, Chap. VII.

⁶ With Wang Nien-sun 臣 is a mistake for 匿 which reads 慝.

⁷ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 餘 should be 與.

⁸ 刑 is derived from 形 meaning "form".

⁹ With Wang Hsien-ch`ien 德 should be 得.

¹⁰ With Wang Hsien-shen 約 should be 事.

¹¹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê and Wang Hsien-shen 事以 should be 以其事.

¹² With Wang Hsien-shen 疏賤必賞 should be supplied above 近愛必誅.

¹ 有度. Its English rendering by L. T. Chên is "The Existence of Standards" (Liang Ch`i-ch`ao, History of Chinese Political Thought during the Early Tsin Period, trans. by L. T. Chên, p. 116, n. 2), which is incorrect. This chapter has been regarded by many critics such as Hu Shih and Yung Chao-tsu as spurious merely on the ground that the ruin of the states as adduced by Han Fei Tzŭtook place long after his death. Inasmuch as 亡 means "decay" and "decline" as well as "ruin" and "destruction", I regard the evidence alleged by the critics as insufficient.

² 氓 reads 亡 meaning 去, namely, "leave." To leave the Altar of the Spirits of Land and Grain means to die.

³ In fact it was not King Hsiang but King Chao who sent General Yo I to invade the Ch`i State in 284 b.c.

⁴ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 攻趙救燕 should be 攻燕救趙. In 272 b.c. Wey with Ch`in and Ch`u attacked Yen. In 257 b.c. Lord Hsin-ling of Wey smashed the forces of Ch`in at Han-tan and thereby rescued Chao.

⁵ With Ku 魏 should be 衛.

⁶ 冠帶之國 referred to the civilized countries in the then known world. The barbarians roaming around the Middle Land bobbed their hair and went without hats. Their garments had the lapels on the left and no girdles. On the contrary, the Chinese would grow their hair, crown every male from twenty years of age, have the lapels of their coats on the right. The countries of crowns and girdles were thus distinguished from the rest of the world.

⁷ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 失 below 審得 in both cases should be 夫.

⁸ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 失 below 審得 in both cases should be 夫.

⁹ With Wang Hsien-shen 行 below 公 should be 法.

¹⁰ With Wang this whole paragraph is largely based on Kuan Tzŭ's "Making the Law Clear".

¹¹ 北面 means "to have an audience with His Majesty", who, while seated on the throne, always faces the south.

¹² 蕪有二心 means "not to break his word ever presented to the throne".

¹³ With Wang Hsien-shen 入 below 救 is superfluous.

¹⁴ One of the two precious swords made by the order of King Fu-ch`a of the Wu State, the other being called Kan-chiang.

¹⁵ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 慼 should read 戚.

¹⁶ Such was the Utopia dreamt and pictured by Han Fei Tzŭ from the legalistic standpoint, which, diametrically opposed to the Confucian spirit, stands out clearly relieved against the Great Community of Confucius:—

When the Grand Way was pursued, a public and common spirit ruled All-under-Heaven; they chose worthy and able men; their words were sincere, and what they cultivated was harmony. Thus men did not love their parents only, nor treat as children only their sons. A competent provision was secured for the aged till their death, employment for the able-bodied, and the means of growing up to the young. They showed kindness and compassion to widows, orphans, childless men, and those who were disabled by disease, so that they were all sufficiently maintained. Males had their proper work, and females had their homes. They accumulated articles of value, disliking that they should be thrown away upon the ground, but not wishing to keep them for their own gratification. They laboured with their strength, disliking that it should not be exerted, but not exerting it only with a view to their own advantage. In this way selfish schemings were repressed and found no development. Robbers, filchers, and rebellious traitors did not show themselves, and hence the outer doors remained open, and were not shut. This was the period of what we call the Great Community. (Cf. Legge's translation of The Li Ki, Bk. VII, Sect. i, 2.)

Han Fei Tzŭ's Utopia, however, runs in parallel to the ideal state of nature described by Lao Tzŭ:—

In a small country with few people let there be aldermen and mayors who are possessed of power over men but would not use it, and who induce people to grieve at death but do not cause them to move at a distance. Although they have ships and carts, they find no occasion to employ them.

The people are induced to return to the pre-literate age of knotted cords and to use them in place of writing, to delight in their food, to be proud of their clothes, to be content with their homes, and to rejoice in their customs. Then, neighbouring states will be mutually happy within sight; the voices of cocks and dogs will echo each other; and the peoples will not have to call on each other while growing old and dead. (Cf. Carus's translation of Lao Tzŭ's Tao Teh King, lxxx.)

¹⁷ With Wang Hsien-shen 陂 should be 際.

¹⁸ As remarked by Ku Kuang-ts`ê, the Great Plan contains a passage somewhat different from this citation.

¹⁹ With Kao Hêng 躁 read 譟 which means 詐.

²⁰ With Kao 關 below 不得 means 置 or 措.

²¹ With Wang Hsien-shen 即 above 漸 should be 積.

²² The compass needle.

²³ For 法所凌過遊外私也 I propose 峻法所以遏外滅私也 which runs parallel to the following passage 嚴刑所以遂令懲下也.

²⁴ With Yü Yüeh 危 should be 詭.

²⁵ With Wang Hsien-shen 舉措 should be 舉錯 as in Confucius's Analects.

²⁶ Wang Nien-sun proposed 厲 for 屬.

¹ 二柄 For the English rendering of 柄 Professor M. S. Bates suggested "grip" instead of "handle". I prefer "handle" in order to retain the native colour of the original.

² With Yü Yüeh 導 should be 道 which means 由.

³ 刑.

⁴ 徳.

⁵ In 481 b.c. In the same year Confucius composed the Spring and Autumn Annals.

⁶ Tzŭ-han was a minister of Sung, but his intimidation of the sovereign is mentioned neither in the Historical Records nor elsewhere except here. Granted that this chapter is not spurious, Han Fei Tzŭmust have derived the information from some unreliable source of his age.

⁷ With Yü Yüeh 非 above 失 is superfluous.

⁸ Hirazawa's edition has 言不異事 in place of 言異事.

⁹ He ruled from 358 to 333 b.c. During his reign his premier, Shên Pu-hai, enforced legalistic policies so successfully that Han emerged to be a rich and strong country. In the same country Han Fei Tzŭwas born about half a century later and was therefore greatly influenced by the legalism taught and practised by Shên Pu-hai (vide infra, Chap. XLIII).

¹⁰ As Tzŭ-chih, Premier of Yen, had intimated that even if the state were offered him, he would never accept it, Tzŭ-k`uai, King of Yen, in 316 b.c. purposely abdicated in favour of him, who, however, took the throne with no reserve.

¹¹ With Yü Yüeh 欲見 should be 見欲.

¹² In 314 b.c.

¹³ When Duke Huan was dying, Shu Tiao and Yi-ya allowed nobody else to see him. After his death they made no announcement and let his corpse lie unburied for sixty-seven days (vide infra, Chap. X, pp. 89-91).

¹ 揚權. Certain editions of the text have 揚摧 in place of 揚權. The latter, however, suits the ideas set forth in the work better than the former. In style and thought it is similar to Chap. V and contains more than Chap. V such similes and metaphors as are susceptible of widely different interpretations. I hope it will be helpful to the reader to give an explanatory note of my own to each paragraph.

² It refers to the course of nature as manifested in the compelling principle of the rotation of day and night, of the four seasons, and so forth.

³ It refers to the course of nature as manifested in the necessary relation of ruler and minister, of superior and inferior, and so forth.

⁴ In the opening paragraph it is brought to the fore that though mankind is endowed by nature with both carnal and sexual appetites, nature does not allow the satisfaction of either appetite to run to any extreme. It is, therefore, imperative that the way of life conform to the way of nature. Likewise, the way of government—the Tao of the sovereign—must conform to the way of nature. To wield the sceptre right is the right way to political order, which is expounded in the following paragraphs.

⁵ 無為. Han Fei Tzŭ's conception of non-assertion or inaction was Taoistic in origin.

⁶ To see the Yang by way of the Yin means to see things from an unseen place or to see the light from the dark. The Yang (陽) refers to the positive principle of Yi (易) or Change which Chinese sages of classic antiquity thought to be the permanent function of the universe. The Yin (陰) refers to its negative principle. All phenomena are resultant from the interaction of these two principles.

⁷ As he cannot any longer be deluded, he is not afraid of meeting anybody.

⁸ The world view of Han Fei Tzŭis purely Taoistic. So is the major premise of his life view. The doctrine of inaction is advocated in the opening sentences of this paragraph, which, however, ends with his insistence on the active application of the two handles to government. Herein lies the difference between Han Fei Tzŭ's ideas and the teachings of the orthodox Taoists. Lao Tzŭand his immediate followers taught that the origin of life is inaction, its ideal should be inaction and that the route to this goal must be inaction, too. With them Han Fei Tzŭagreed that inaction is the end, but he asserted that the means to the end is action. The Utopia remains a permanent Utopian ideal. Life is a constant strife after this goal. So is government an everlasting fight against the disruptive forces in individual and social life for perfect order. In such a fight the law is the only weapon, whose two handles are chastisement and commendation. Therefore, to apply the two handles without cessation is said to be acting on the right way of government. In this connection the shifting emphases in the social and political thought of Lin Yu-tang, one of the greatest admirers of Han Fei Tzŭin modern China, are worth noticing. In his essay on "Han Fei as a Cure for Modern China" (China's Own Critics: A Selection of Essays, 1931), he showed his whole-hearted support of Han Fei Tzŭ. A few years later, as shown in his book, My Country and My People (1936), he appeared to be far more Taoistic and cynical than before, preferring inaction and non-interference to any kind of remedial work which seems to him laborious but fruitless.

⁹ 好生 literally means "fond of living beings" or "loving production", which here implies "unable to bear killing any human being".

¹⁰ Ruler and minister should attend to their respective duties.

¹¹ 用一 — here means to wield the sceptre—to attain the autocratic rule, so to speak.

¹² With Wang Hsien-shen 事 should be 定.

¹³ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 脩 should be 循.

¹⁴ 用其所生 means to see whether or not name and form coincide with each other and then enforce reward or punishment accordingly.

¹⁵ The epistemological and logical bases of his political theory are concisely discussed here.

¹⁶ 反形之理. 反 means 履. 形 refers to the outward phenomena of mankind.

¹⁷ To make an objective survey of the ministers' abilities and directly encourage them to render meritorious services, the ruler has to give up or keep hidden his own wisdom and talent. On the other hand, to make the subjects universally obey laws and uniformly follow orders, he should not allow the masses to abuse their own wisdom and talent.

¹⁸ With Kao Hêng 盛 means 成.

¹⁹ Here is made an attempt to expound the substance and function of Tao and connect metaphysics with ethics and politics.

²⁰ 和. A kind of musical instrument able to maintain the same notes in all kinds of weather.

²¹ The relationship of metaphysics with ethics is further developed here.

²² The autocracy of the ruler is justified by virtue of the characteristic feature of Tao.

²³ With Kao Hêng 以其所出反以為之入 means 以其所言反以為之功 inasmuch as 出 refers to 名 or name and 入 refers to 形 or form.

²⁴ With Yü Yüeh 溶 should be 容.

²⁵ The more silent I remain, the more talkative others become.

²⁶ With Wang Hsien-shen 構 reads 講.

²⁷ The ruler should always stand aloof from the offices to which his inferiors are appointed, and charge them with such responsibilities as never would involve himself.

²⁸ With Hirazawa 泄 stands for 歇 meaning 息.

²⁹ With Wang Hsien-shen 溶 should be ####.

³⁰ Thus, to do inaction is to see everything done of itself and by itself. To remain empty and tranquil is to see everybody driven by nature into good. This, again, is the ideal side of Han Fei Tzŭ's thought. In the practical field he had to advocate the method of persistent action as revealed in the next paragraph.

³¹ With Wang Hsien-shen 義 should be 議.

³² 閉內扃 really means to conceal one's own opinions so as to inspect the inferiors' works.

³³ 規矩 refers to the rules of reward and punishment.

³⁴ The significance of reward and punishment in government is discussed.

³⁵ 神 means "so profound and divine that nobody else can conjecture his intention or estimate his ability".

³⁶ With Kao Hêng 考 is a mistake for 改.

³⁷ It is imperative that the ruler be mysterious and difficult to understand.

³⁸ Courtiers and attendants.

³⁹ Officers and officials.

⁴⁰ The necessity to take precautions against ambitious wicked ministers is explained.

⁴¹ With Lu Wên-shao 趣走 should be 趨走.

⁴² The mistress of the land, the ruler of the state.

⁴³ The intelligent ruler prevents wicked ministers from becoming too powerful, and improves their character by means of laws and penalties.

⁴⁴ The ruler should not overstep the limits of reward and punishment.

⁴⁵ 扶寸. 扶 is the total width of four fingers; 寸 is the distance between the joint of the thumb and the pulse beneath the palm.

⁴⁶ 尋常. 尋 is 8 feet and 常 is twice as long.

⁴⁷ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 備 should be 彼.

⁴⁸ Ruler and minister are always vying with each other in power. The former resorts to the enforcement of state laws throughout the country; the latter to the distribution of personal favours among the masses. One easy way open to the ruler to save the situation is, according to Han Fei Tzŭ, to install the crown prince as early as possible so that many court intrigues will be avoided.

⁴⁹ As Han Fei Tzŭdirected his main attention in his political thought to the issues between ruler and minister, in the present and next paragraphs he taught the ruler how to maintain supremacy and why to weaken the minister. This well reminds the reader of Lord Shang's "Weakening the People".

⁵⁰ The tree illustrates the state as a whole organic structure; the stem, the ruler; and the branches, the ministers. Hence Han Fei Tzŭ's saying: "When the branches are large and the stem is small, the tree will be unable to endure spring winds." Accordingly special attention is called to the growth of the stem.

¹ 八姦.

² With Kao Hêng 道 above 成 means 由.

³ 同牀.

⁴ 在旁.

⁵ With Kao Hêng — 一辭同軌 should be 同軌一辭.

⁶ 父兄. 父 here refers to 叔父伯父仲父 or "uncles" in English; 兄 here refers to half-brothers.

⁷ 養殃.

⁸ 民盟.

⁹ 流行.

¹⁰ 威強.

¹¹ 四方.

¹² With Wang Hsien-shen 制斂 means 制攝.

¹³ With Wang 不使 above 擅退 is superfluous.

¹⁴ So much for the eight precautions against the eight ways to villainy. In the rest of the chapter the ruler is advised to allow no weakness in his own personality or any carelessness in his governmental work to be taken advantage of by rapacious ministers.

¹⁵ With Wang Wei and Wang Hsien-shen 諸侯之不聽 should be 諸侯知不聽 .

¹⁶ Wang Hsien-shen proposed the supply of 不 above 論.

¹⁷ With Kao Hêng 財親 should be 親財.

¹ 十過.

² The Historical Records has 共王 in place of 恭王.

³ In 575 B.C.

⁴ 豎穀陽. Pelliot said in his review of Ivanov's Russian translation of Han Fei Tzŭthat he would like to read the name as "Shu-yang Ko", but did not give any reason therefor (Revue Asiatique, 1913). The Historical Records has 從者 above 豎陽穀. I regard 豎陽穀 as the full name and prefer to read it as "Shu Yang-ko". Among the accepted family names of the Chinese people "Shu" is found but not "Shu-yang". During the Period of Spring and Autumn, however, not many commoners had family names, so 豎 most probably meant a boy attendant in this case. By the time of Ssŭ-ma Ch`ien 豎 seems to have definitely become a family name; so much so that he made the superfluous addition of 從者 to it in the Historical Records.

⁵ 不穀 means 寡人 by which the ruler refers to himself.

⁶ 屈產之乘. 乘 here means a team of four good horses harnessed to one chariot.

⁷ With Yü Yüeh and Wang Hsien-shen 克 should be supplied between 伐虢 and 之遠. 655 b.c.

⁸ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê and Wang Hsien-shen 反 above 處三年 should be above 興兵伐虢.

⁹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 而東夷叛之 should be supplied below 蒐.

¹⁰ With Ku 幽王為太室之盟 should be supplied above 而戎狄叛之.

¹¹ Tso-ch`iu Ming's Commentaries on the Spring and Autumn Annals has 不過十年 in place of 居未期年. 529 b.c.

¹² 施夷之臺 most probably a mistake for the Ssŭ-ch`i Palace (虒祈之宮).

¹³ 清商. Ancient Chinese music classified all kinds of tune into five varieties in accordance with five different vocal sounds, which were accordingly named after their representative notes respectively as follows: kung (宮) for all guttural sounds, shang (商) for all sibilant sounds, kioh (角) for all dental sounds, chih (徴) for all lingual sounds, and yü (羽) for all labial sounds. It is said that the five strings of the harp constructed by Fu-hsi were thus named. The five notes had generally formed the Chinese system of notation down to the Yin Dynasty. To them were added pien-kung (變宮) and pien-kioh (變角) at the beginning of the Chou Dynasty (allegedly by King Wên). In consequence, the ancient Chinese scale became closely equivalent to the modern Western scale as follows:— Kung for C, shang for D, kioh for E, pien-kioh for F # (peculiar), chih for G, yü for A, pien-kung for B, and kung for C1.

This scale remained the same until the rise of the Yüan Dynasty. For detailed information the English reader is referred to Aalst's Chinese Music.

¹⁴ With Wang Hsien-shen this referred to the peak generally known as the T`ai Mountain among the various peaks in the locality, while the Small T`ai Mountain is sometimes called the Eastern T`ai Mountain.

¹⁵ 象車 was awarded him by the spirit of the mountain for his virtue and merit.

¹⁶ The spirit of the tree.

¹⁷ Then a regent.

¹⁸ The spirit of wind.

¹⁹ The spirit of rain.

²⁰ In 531 b.c.

²¹ In 458 b.c. These six clans comprised the so-called Six Nobles of Chin.

²² With Wang Hsien-shen the Schemes of the Warring States has 魏 above 宣子.

²³ With Wang both Chao Yung-hsien's edition of Han Fei Tzŭ's Works and the Schemes of the Warring States have 不如予之 below 其措兵於魏必矣.

²⁴ With Wang the Schemes of the Warring States has 曰 above 諾.

²⁵ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê the Schemes of the Warring States has 親 in place of 規.

²⁶ Chap. III has 董安于 in place of 董閼于 (vide supra, p. 27).

²⁷ Viscount Hsiang's father. 主 should be 子.

²⁸ I regard 生 as a mistake for 玉.

²⁹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 臣 should be 民.

³⁰ 奇人. 奇 here means 餘. Therefore, 奇人 means 閒人 or "men leisured in household responsibilities".

³¹ With Wang Hsien-shen 無積 should be 不容.

³² 菌幹. Chün (菌) was the special name given to the bamboos from the Cloudy Dream Swamps in the Ch`u State.

³³ Chap. I has 三月 in place of 三年 (vide supra, p. ii, n. 5).

³⁴ With Lu Wên-shao and Wang Hsien-shen 失 should read 釋.

³⁵ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 麤 should read 怚.

³⁶ With Wang Hsien-shen 行 and 意 in 其行矜而意高 should replace each other.

³⁷ With Lu Wên-shao 侵 should be 我.

³⁸ Apparently the campaign lasted for three years, although the inundation of the city could not possibly last so long.

³⁹ In 453 b.c.

⁴⁰ Yü was the family name; Shun, the given name.

⁴¹ With Wang Hsien-shen 財 reads 裁 as well as 材.

⁴² 爼 is a tripod basin or bowl for holding meal as sacrifice.

⁴³ With Wang Hsien-shen 路 should read 輅.

⁴⁴ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 四 should be 白.

⁴⁵ 君子. Neither "gentlemen" nor "superior men" can convey its sense better than "the ruling class" in this case.

⁴⁶ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 道 above 遠 should be 遼.

⁴⁷ In 623 b.c.

⁴⁸ With Wang Hsien-shen 則 should in accordance with the introductory be supplied above 亡國之禍也.

⁴⁹ The murderer of Duke Chien of Ch`i in 481 b.c. The "Right Remonstrances" in the Selected Persuasions has 齊景公 in place of 田成子. I think Han Fei Tzŭ mistook 田成子 for 齊景公.

⁵⁰ The same work has 顏燭趨 in place of 顏涿聚.

⁵¹ With Wang Hsien-shen 而忽于諫士 should in accordance with the introductory be supplied below 離內遠遊.

⁵² With Wang Hsien-shen 欲 above 適君之 should be below it.

⁵³ Sixty-seven days in fact.

⁵⁴ I propose 君 for 公, because when this event took place in 317 b.c., the Ruler of Han had called himself king for six years and was no longer a duke.

⁵⁵ 信 above 意 means 申.

⁵⁶ 下路 was the road leading northward to the Han State.

⁵⁷ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 告 should be 苦.

⁵⁸ In 308 b.c.

⁵⁹ He spent nineteen years (655-636 b.c.) in exile. Upon his return to Chin he ascended the throne as Duke Wên and subsequently became Hegemonic Ruler.

⁶⁰ It was said that the ribs of Ch`ung-erh grew together like a wall. Therefore, many people of his time were curious to look at his chest.

⁶¹ 閭 was ordinarily a village of twenty-five families.

¹ 孤憤. This chapter vividly reflects the political and social background of the author's intellectual responses. Since Lin Yutang in his book, My Country and My People, repeatedly quoted Han Fei Tzŭ and since almost every page of the book reveals his solitary indignation at his country and his people, I wonder if it was this work, if not the whole works, of Han Fei Tzŭ that inspired him to protest against his age.

² 術 was rendered by Forke, Duyvendak, and Bodde as "method", which is too vague and therefore rather misleading. My rendering is "tact" in most cases and "craft" or "statecraft" sometimes.

³ 重人.

⁴ Wang Hsien-shen reads 所為 for 所謂.

⁵ They will be found guilty and dismissed from office.

⁶ 當塗之人. The personnel directing the course of the state.

⁷ I read 訟 for 頌.

⁸ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 弊 reads 蔽.

⁹ 一口 here refers to every upholder of law and tact living in solitude and singleness.

¹⁰ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 又 should be 猶.

¹¹ I propose the supply of 故 below 是.

¹² Ku Kuang-ts`ê proposed the supply of 不 below 其. Wang Hsien-shen disagreed with him. I agree with Ku because Han Fei Tzŭ apparently intended to maintain parallelism between this sentence and the corresponding sentence in the preceding paragraph.

¹³ It is because that state slips off the sovereign's control just as Yüeh was situated beyond the reach of the control by the sovereign of a Central State.

¹⁴ With Wang Hsien-shen 智 in both cases should be 知.

¹⁵ With Sun I-jang 主 below 人 is superfluous.

¹⁶ With Yü Yüch and Wang Hsien-shen 其修士 below 進業 is superfluous.

¹⁷ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 精潔 should be 精辨.

¹⁸ Poh-i and Shu-ch`i were sons of the Ruler of Ku-chu. The father appointed the younger brother Shu-ch`i to be his successor. After the father's death each refused the throne, because each considered the other more entitled thereto. When the people in the country established the middle brother on the throne, they went to spend the rest of their life under the protection of the Earl of the West. On the way they met Fa, subsequently King Wu of Chou, who had revolted against Chow during the mournful period of the Earl. As they never approved of such an action, instead of submitting to the change of the ruling dynasty which they condemned as a change from tyrant to tyrant, they left for the Shou-yang Mountains, where they died of starvation. Hence both brothers became types of morality.

¹⁹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 亂 should be 辯. With Wang Hsien-shen Chang Pang's edition has 辯 in place of 亂.

²⁰ With Ku 與 above 相 should be below it.

²¹ 剖符 means to issue official decrees and exercise the ruling authorities. On issuing them the prime minister would put each decree on a tally which he first splits into two halves and gives one to the appointee and keeps the other half in his office for subsequent identification.

²² 變勢. For instance, the sovereign comes to realize his past faults, discards favouritism, and enforces strict legalism.

²³ With Wang Hsien-shen 侵漁朋黨 should be 朋黨侵漁.

¹ 說難. This chapter as a whole is so systematic that it naturally falls into three sections. In the first section the author explains what the difficulties are in the way of persuasion. In the second section he suggests the kind of tact a persuader ought to master in order to get over the difficulties. The last one contains certain facts illustrating his viewpoint, while the concluding paragraph sums up the main points of the whole discussion. For convenience's sake I have marked the beginning paragraph of each section with a numeral.

² With Lu Wên-shao the Historical Records has 而 in place of 語.

³ With Lu Wên-shao the Historical Records has 汎濫博文 in place of 米鹽博辨.

⁴ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê and Wang Hsien-shen 交 should be 史.

⁵ With Kao Hêng 言 below 吾 is superfluous.

⁶ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê the Historical Records has 計 in place of 割.

⁷ 兄弟之國 literally means "brother state".

⁸ Kuan Ch`i-Ssŭ and the neighbours' father.

⁹ In 614 b.c. during the reign of Duke Ling of Chin the Chin Government devised a scheme to get an able man, Shih Hui, back from the Ch`in State. Having discovered the secret plot, Jao Ch`ao submitted to Duke K`ang of Ch`in a word of warning, which, however, was not listened to. At the departure of Shih Hui from Ch`in, Jao Ch`ao said: "Do not think that nobody in Ch`in succeeded in detecting the scheme of Chin. Because my word was not adopted, you are now able to leave for your country." This astonished the Chins, who, accordingly, esteemed him as a sage. In Ch`in, however, he fell under suspicion and was executed.

¹⁰ With Wang Hsien-shen the Extracts from Classical Works has no 見罪 below 智不當.

¹¹ With Kao Hêng 柔可狎 should be 可柔狎.

¹ 和氏. Pien Ho being the real name is used throughout my translation.

² With Wang Hsien-shen the three successive kings were Kings Wu, Wên, and Ch`êng. So throughout my translation 武王 is found in place of 厲王, 文王 in place of 武王, and 成王 in place of 文王.

³ With Wang 楚山 should be 荊山.

⁴ Wang Hsien-shen gave up all hope of elucidating the hiatus below this passage. I have attempted to make the translation of this and the following passages as faithful to the original and intelligible to the reader as possible.

⁵ With Kao Hêng 周乎道言 means 合乎道言.

⁶ For 絕 Ku Kuang-ts`ê proposed 纔 meaning 裁.

⁷ The Historical Records and other books never mention Lord Shang's teaching to burn the Books of Poetry and History. Lord Shang might have taught it, but Duke Hsiao apparently never carried it into effect.

⁸ With Wang Hsien-shen it seemed better to supply 十 above 八 inasmuch as Duke Hsiao reigned for eighteen years and during the last ten years Yang held the office of premier.

⁹ The chariots bound to the head and limbs of the criminal were driven in opposite directions to tear them off his body.

¹⁰ Evidently this essay was written before the author entered Ch`in.

¹¹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 以 should be supplied below 所.

¹ 姦劫弒臣. The content of this chapter appears not very unique. The thought seems to lack unity, too. Only the various paragraphs at the opening and towards the end fit well into the subject matter. On the whole, however, the work shows no contradiction to the general system of the author's teachings. With Wang Hsien-shen Chao Yung-hsien's edition has 殺 in place of 弒.

² With Wang 合 below 取舍 should be 同.

³ For 數 I usually use "measure" and casually "number" or "statistics".

⁴ Wang Hsien-shen suggested the supply of 有 below 非.

⁵ 擅主之臣.

⁶ With Wang Hsien-shen 利 below 安 is superfluous.

⁷ Wang regarded 化 as a mistake for 術.

⁸ With Wang 事上 above 而求安 should be above 行正理.

⁹ With Wang 得 above 效 is superfluous.

¹⁰ With Wang 苟 should be 徇.

¹¹ 千鈞. One chün is about thirty catties.

¹² With Ku Kuang-ts`ê the Taoist Thesaurus edition has 蔽 in place of 弊.

¹³ With Yü Yüeh 不得不愛我 should be 不得不為我.

¹⁴ With Wang Hsien-shen 利 should be 安.

¹⁵ 末作. Such professions as trade and handiwork.

¹⁶ 本事. Such professions as farming and fighting.

¹⁷ With Wang Hsien-shen 眾過 should be 罪過.

¹⁸ With Wang 私姦者 should be 告姦者.

¹⁹ With Wang 穽井 should be 井穽.

²⁰ 群生, an indigenous expression, was seemingly replaced by 眾生 after Buddhistic ideas began to influence Chinese thought (vide supra, p. 55).

²¹ With Wang Hsien-shen 者 should be supplied below 治.

²² Kao Hêng proposed to supply 於 between 法 and 國.

²³ 道德 here as elsewhere cannot be rendered as "reason and virtue" or "morals" or "morality". Inasmuch as 道 refers to the natural course of the cosmos and 德 to the standard of conduct derived from it, transliteration seems preferable to translation.

²⁴ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 幾 above 不亦難 should be below it.

²⁵ Different from another Lord Ch`un-shên whose real name was Huang Hsieh.

²⁶ With Wang Hsien-shen 視 should be 示.

²⁷ With Kao Hêng 以 reads 已.

²⁸ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 有 above 施與 is superfluous.

²⁹ With Ku 不外 should be 外不.

³⁰ In ancient China all commoners, before they became white-haired, were supposed to wear no silk but hemp cloth. Hence wearers of hemp cloth came to mean commoners.

³¹ 足貴之臣.

³² 忠臣.

³³ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 黔 should be 黥.

³⁴ With Wang Hsien-shen 刑 should be 形.

³⁵ They declined their father's offer, but nowhere else is mentioned King Wu's offer.

³⁶ 無益之臣.

³⁷ According to the Schemes of the Warring States, the passages beginning with this sentence and ending with the present chapter were written by Sun Tzŭ to Lord Ch`un-shên.

³⁸ With Wang Hsien-shen 謂 should be 為.

³⁹ With Lu Wên-shao I prefer 捨 to 弒.

⁴⁰ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê the Taoist Thesaurus edition and the Schemes of the Warring States have 正適 in place of 正的.

⁴¹ 515 b.c.

⁴² 548 b.c.

⁴³ He became the Grand Assistant to King Hui-wên of Chao in 298 b.c.

⁴⁴ 主父 was the title King Wu-ling of Chao gave himself after his abdication in favour of his younger son Ho in 298 b.c. Three years later, his eldest son, Chang, who had once been the Crown Prince, launched a revolt against Ho, then King Hui-wên, but failed and sought refuge in the Father Sovereign's detached palace at the Sandy Hill. Li Tai upon his arrival first killed the rebellious prince and then locked up the Father Sovereign inside the palace and starved him to death.

⁴⁵ Having suffered a crushing defeat by the invading forces of Yen in 284 b.c., he asked for rescue from Ch`u. King Ch`ing-hsiang, accordingly, appointed Nao Ch`ih commander of the reinforcements. Upon his arrival at Ch`i, Nao Ch`ih was appointed Prime Minister by King Min. Fearing the Yen invaders, however, he betrayed the King, secretly made peace with Yen, and finally murdered the King in 283 b.c.

⁴⁶ With Wang Hsien-shen 宿昔 should be 宿夕.

¹ 亡徽. The various portents of ruin are enumerated, but no facts are adduced in illustration of them. The numerical indication of each is mine.

² The ruler would ask the court astrologer to select lucky dates for inaugurations, for instance.

³ With Yü Yüeh 不 should be supplied above 信.

⁴ With Lu Wên-shao 知有謂可斷 should be 知有可斷.

⁵ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 逆 should be 近.

⁶ With Ku 民 should be 人.

⁷ With Ku 行 should be 私.

⁸ With Lu Wên-shao 無地固 should be 地無固.

⁹ With Lu and Wang Hsien-shen 變褊 should be 攣褊.

¹⁰ 二主 literally means "two masters".

¹¹ 馬府 literally means "horsemen's mansions".

¹² I propose the supply of 去 below 世.

¹³ With Wang Hsien-shen 親 should read 新.

¹⁴ Namely, two worthy rulers.

¹⁵ Namely, two wicked rulers.

¹⁶ With Kao Hêng 通 in both cases should be 道 meaning 由.

¹⁷ With Kao Hêng 通 in both cases should be 道 meaning 由.

¹ 三守.

² With Wang Hsien-ch`ien 舉臣 implies 眾臣.

³ The first precaution is against divulging secrets.

⁴ The second precaution is against losing prestige.

⁵ With Kao Hêng 藉 refers to 勢位.

⁶ The third precaution is against losing the reins of government.

⁷ 明劫. I read 明 for 朋 in this chapter.

⁸ 事劫.

⁹ 刑劫.

¹ 備內.

² Favourite concubine of Duke Hsien of Chin.

³ The heir apparent of Duke Hsien.

⁴ A bastard of Duke Hsien by Princess Li.

⁵ In 655 b.c.

⁶ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 死 above 見疏賤 is superfluous.

⁷ With Yü Yüeh the Episodes of Ch`u has 檮兀 in place of 桃左.

⁸ With Lu Wên-shao the Taoist Thesaurus edition has 主 in place of 王.

⁹ 不參之事 literally means "uncompared tasks", and refers to tasks whose names and realities cannot be compared with each other.

¹⁰ The interior includes the queen, the princesses, the consorts, the heir apparent, the sons, the bastards, and the courtiers; the exterior, ministers, magistrates, officers, etc.

¹¹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê the last eleven characters 此言人臣之不可借權勢也 originally formed an annotation and were by mistake interposed into the text. According to Wang Hsien-shen, the passage seems to introduce further passages which were apparently lost.

¹ 南面. To face the south means to rule from the throne. When seated on the throne according to ancient Chinese court etiquette, the sovereign always faces the south (vide supra, p. 40).

² With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 在 below 任 is superfluous.

³ With Ku the Taoist Thesaurus edition has 小臣 in place of 小人.

⁴ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 於事 should be supplied below 誘.

⁵ With Ku 事有功者必賞 should be 事雖有功不賞.

⁶ 任下.

⁷ 二勢 refer to the facts that the sovereign never consults any other minister about the project and that nobody dares to criticize it.

⁸ With Wang Hsien-shen 末 should be supplied below 端.

⁹ Lü Shang was his real name. He was called T`ai-kung Wang, which means "grandfather's hope", because he was found out of obscurity by the Earl of the West to fulfil the latter's grandfather's hope and prophecy. Henceforth T`ai-kung Wang became the epithet of Lü Shang.

¹⁰ Mo Tzŭ's work "On Dyeing" has 高 in place of 郭.

¹¹ With Wang Hsien-shen 必 should be supplied above 立.

¹² With Kao Hêng 愚 and 遇 in antiquity were interchangeable in meaning.

¹³ With Kao 阿 reads 訶.

¹⁴ With Kao #### should be 震 which means 懼.

¹⁵ With Kao 容 above 於治 should be 吝.

¹⁶ The text of the last paragraph is so corrupt and hardly intelligible that Lu Wên-shao gave up hope for elucidation. So did Hirazawa and the Waseda University Press stopped short of their desire. According to Lu there seem a number of hiatuses and errors between words and between sentences. According to Wang Hsien-shen the last annotation of Canon V in Chap. XXXIII contains hiatus from the end of this chapter.

¹ 飾邪. The substance of this work seems to have been an admonitory memorial submitted to the King of Han.

² In 242 b.c.

³ Yen's general captured by P`ang Yüan, commander of Chao's forces.

⁴ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê the career of Tsou Yen in Yen is not clear.

⁵ With Wang Wei 代 below 趙 is superfluous.

⁶ In 236 b.c., when Ch`in and Yen were allies.

⁷ In 236 b.c., when Ch`in and Yen were allies.

⁸ With Wang Hsien-shen 攻 and 出 should replace each other.

⁹ With Wang Wei 有有名 should read 又有名.

¹⁰ 豐隆, the star of the god of thundering.

¹¹ 五行, the constellation having five stars around a circle.

¹² 太乙, the star of a heavenly god.

¹³ 王相, the star commanding the motion of Wu-hsing.

¹⁴ 攝提. Both the right and left Shê-ti stars are located in the constellation of Bootes according to modern astronomers. For this I owe Mr. Ch`ên Tsun-Kuei.

¹⁵ 六神, stars of six gods.

¹⁶ 五括, five stars clustering in a certain constellation.

¹⁷ 天河, the Milky Way.

¹⁸ 殷搶, a star portending warfare and disturbance.

¹⁹ 歲星, Jupiter.

²⁰ With Wang Hsien-shen 非 above 數年 in both cases is superfluous.

²¹ 天缺, the star of the god of lightning.

²² 弧逆, four stars in a certain constellation whose arc was said to be irregular.

²³ 刑星, Venus.

²⁴ 熒惑, Mars, which ancient Chinese like ancient Greeks regarded as the god of war. Thus it is said in the Records of the Heavens that the appearance of Yung-hui or planet Mars forecasts serious warfare, and that the ruler in whose direction it appears is bound to incur territorial losses.

²⁵ 奎台, the constellation having sixteen stars resembling a person striding.

²⁶ With Wang Hsien-shen 非 above 數年 in both cases is superfluous.

²⁷ In 494 b.c.

²⁸ In 473 b.c.

²⁹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 荊 should be 刑.

³⁰ With Kao Hêng 魏恃齊荊為用 should be 恃魏齊荊吳為用.

³¹ 鄢 not 燕.

³² With Ku Kuang-ts`ê there are errors and hiatuses in these few sentences, but he proposed no way of improvement. I have kept the English rendering as intelligible and faithful to the original as possible.

³³ Hsia, Yin, and Chou.

³⁴ Clear enough, Han Fei Tzŭ regarded territory, people, and sovereignty as the three basic elements of a state.

³⁵ With Wang Hsien-shen 望 should be 怨.

³⁶ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê and Wang Hsien-shen 友 above 豎 is superfluous.

³⁷ The Historical Records has 豎陽穀 in place of 豎穀陽 (vide supra, p. 70, n. 3).

³⁸ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 行 below 憲令 is superfluous.

³⁹ With Wang Hsien-ch`ien 單 means 盡.

⁴⁰ With Wang Wei 法知 should be supplied above 道.

⁴¹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 知 should precede 道.

⁴² With Wang Hsien-shen 賞 should read 償.

⁴³ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 來 should be 求.

⁴⁴ With Wang Hsien-shen 而見用 should be supplied below 故人臣稱伊尹管仲之功.

⁴⁵ I propose the supply of 說 below 疾.

⁴⁶ That is to say, because great men like Yi Yin and Kuan Chung do not appear in every age and because remonstrants are not always as loyal as Pi-kan and Tzŭ-hsü, it is improper for such ministers to compare themselves to Yi Yin and Kuan Chung or to Pi-kan and Tzŭ-hsü. If they do compare themselves to such great and loyal personages, they only pretend to worthiness and loyalty.

⁴⁷ Hirazawa and the Waseda University Press for 若是者禁，君之立法以為是也 misread 若是者，禁君之立法以為是也.

⁴⁸ 今人臣多立其私智.

⁴⁹ 以法為非者，是邪以智，過法立智. With Kao Hêng the last character 智 should be 私.

⁵⁰ 如是者禁，主之道也. For this the Japanese editors misread 如是者，禁主之道也.

⁵¹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 禁 above 主 is superfluous.

⁵² With Wang Hsien-shen 正 above 居官 is superfluous.

¹ 解老. This chapter contains Han Fei Tzŭ's interpretations of certain chapters and certain passages quoted from Lao Tzŭ's Tao Teh Ching or The Canon of Reason and Virtue. To understand Han Fei Tzŭ's academic thoroughness, it is necessary to read Lao Tzŭ's works. I have therefore added in Italics before each commentary the text of Lao Tzŭ. As regards the English translation of the Tao Teh Ching, I have largely followed Paul Carus.

² Wang Hsien-shen proposed the supply of 不全 above 無功.

³ Wang Hsien-ch`ien proposed the supply of 生有 above 德.

⁴ With Lu Wên-shao 所無 should be 無所.

⁵ 無不為 should be 無以爲 in accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text.

⁶ With Lu Wên-shao and Wang Hsien-shen 事 should be 禮.

⁷ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 曰 below 故 is superfluous.

⁸ With Ku 德 should be 積.

⁹ Benevolence.

¹⁰ Righteousness.

¹¹ Propriety.

¹² With Lu Wên-shao every 失 below every 後 should be removed.

¹³ With Wang Hsien-shen the Imperial Library Edition has 隨 in place of 隋.

¹⁴ With Wang 銀黃 should be 黃金.

¹⁵ Negativity.

¹⁶ Positivity.

¹⁷ With Wang Hsien-ch`ien 通人 means 衆人.

¹⁸ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 乎 below 首 should be 也.

¹⁹ 大丈夫 is rendered as "a great organizer" by Carus. However, I regard "a great sportsman" as its most appropriate equivalent in English.

²⁰ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 處 above 其簿 should be 居.

²¹ With Ku 處 above 其華 should be 居.

²² Ku proposed the supply of 禮 above 貌.

²³ With Ku 好 above 情實 is superfluous.

²⁴ Wang Hsien-shen suspected that 卜祝 was a mistake for 十倍.

²⁵ In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 也 below 迷 and 以 above 久 should be removed and 故 below 日 should be 固.

²⁶ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 公 should be 立.

²⁷ With Wang Wei 習 should be 能.

²⁸ With Wang 適 should read 讁.

²⁹ The English rendering of 守道 by Paul Carus is "Hold Fast to Reason", which is a serious mistake.

³⁰ With Wang Hsien-shen 分 should be 色.

³¹ Evidently, neither insanity nor ignorance was recognized as a defence.

³² With Wang 則 should be supplied above 故徳.

³³ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 體道 should be supplied above 能.

³⁴ With Lu Wên-shao 莫知其極 should not be repeated.

³⁵ In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 則 above 可以 should be removed.

³⁶ With Yü Yüeh 直 should be supplied above 根.

³⁷ 柢 should be 蒂 in accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text.

³⁸ In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 者 below 治大國 should be removed.

³⁹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 血氣治而 should be supplied above 擧動理.

⁴⁰ With Wang Wei 也 above 疾人 is superfluous.

⁴¹ In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 非其神不傷人 should be supplied above 聖人亦不傷民, and 民 should be 人.

⁴² In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 則 should be 故.

⁴³ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 外 above 有禮義 is superfluous.

⁴⁴ With Wang Hsien-shen 人 should be 民.

⁴⁵ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 將 should be 牸.

⁴⁶ With Ku 將 should be 牸.

⁴⁷ With Wang Hsien-shen 而 below 計會亂 should be 則.

⁴⁸ With Wang 經 in both cases means 徑.

⁴⁹ With Wang 經 in both cases means 徑.

⁵⁰ 五色, including blue (including green), red, yellow, black, and white, implies all kinds of painting and drawing.

⁵¹ With Wang Hsien-shen 犯 means 勝.

⁵² With Wang Hsien-ch`ien 有 above 免死 should be above 罪時活.

⁵³ Hirazawa's edition reads 於 for 則.

⁵⁴ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 腸胃 should be 外内.

⁵⁵ In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 憯 should be 大.

⁵⁶ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê and Wang Hsien-shen 理 means 紀. Therefore, Han Fei Tzŭ seemed to have derived the quotation from the last sentence of Chapter XIV in Lao Tzŭ's text.

⁵⁷ Hirazawa's edition has no 之 below 理.

⁵⁸ They are Wood, Fire, Earth, Metal, and Water.

⁵⁹ Master of Rain at the time of Emperor Shên-nung.

⁶⁰ With Sun I-jang 統 below 天地 should be 終.

⁶¹ Alias of Lu T`ung, a native of the Ch`u State, who feigned himself mad to escape being importuned to engage in public service. It was about the year 489 b.c. that Confucius passed by him, when he sang a song satirically blaming his not retiring from the world (vide Confucian Analects, Bk. XVIII, Ch. V).

⁶² 戟, strictly speaking, is a kind of spear with crescent-shaped blade at the side.

⁶³ No critic could find out exactly what part of Lao Tzŭ's text on which Han Fei Tzŭ had made the commentary in this paragraph. It seems to me, however, that the text of the paragraph contains certain hiatuses.

⁶⁴ In Chinese 象 originally means "elephant" and later comes to mean "resemblance", "copy", or "image". Apart from its trunk and tusks 象 bears close "resemblance" to 豕 or "pig".

⁶⁵ In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 無物 should be 無象.

⁶⁶ With Kao Hêng 無定理 should not be repeated.

⁶⁷ Kao proposed the supply of 所 below 常.

⁶⁸ With Wang Hsien-shen 者 below 三 is superfluous.

⁶⁹ In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 也 below 徒 and 者 below 三 should be removed.

⁷⁰ The whole saying is not identical in wording with Lao Tzŭ's text but the same in meaning.

⁷¹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 山 should be 世.

⁷² In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 備 should be 避.

⁷³ With Kao Hêng 立 below 則 should be 夫.

⁷⁴ With Wang Hsien-ch`ien 為 below 謂 is superfluous.

⁷⁵ In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 事長 should be 器長.

⁷⁶ Lao Tzŭ's text has no 為 above 成.

⁷⁷ In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 事長 should be 器長.

⁷⁸ In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 於 below 慈 should be 以.

⁷⁹ With Kao Hêng 生心 should be 性.

⁸⁰ Namely, frugality, compassion, and not daring to come to the front of All-under-Heaven.

⁸¹ With Kao Hêng 貌 above 施 is superfluous.

⁸² With Kao Hêng 故 below 智 should be 巧.

⁸³ A kind of musical instrument consisting of thirty-six reed pipes.

⁸⁴ Lao Tzŭ's text has 誇 which Carus translated as "pride". In place of 誇 Han Fei Tzŭ put 竽. With Wang Hsien-shen 誇 conveys no specific sense in the sentence.

⁸⁵ Wang's note has 五十三 in place of 五十四. I disagree with him.

⁸⁶ 愼 meaning "prudence" is composed of 眞 meaning "genuineness" and 心 meaning "mind" or "heart". With Kao Hêng 愼 should be 悳.

⁸⁷ With Wang Hsien-shen 國 in Lao Tzŭ's text should be 邦. As the name of the first emperor of the Han Dynasty was Liu Pang, scholars of this dynasty purposely put kuo (國) in place of pang (邦), both having practically the same meaning. Han Fei Tzŭ's commentary having 邦 instead of 國 is correct.

⁸⁸ Lao Tzŭ's text has 何 in place of 奚.

⁸⁹ Namely, the "observing ability".

¹ 喻老. This chapter contains Han Fei Tzŭ's illustrations of certain teachings selected from Lao Tzŭ's Tao Teh Ching. Compared with the preceding one it has many facts adduced in illustration of Lao Tzŭ's ideas while the content of the preceding chapter is largely composed of Han Fei Tzŭ's interpretations of and commentaries on the Old Philosopher's teachings. As the text of every chapter that Han Fei Tzŭ commented in the preceding work has already been added before each commentary, in this work I have added only the texts of new chapters.

² Vide supra, p. 187. Italics my addition, and so throughout this chapter.

³ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 曰 should be 日.

⁴ As he had practised benevolence and righteousness, thirty-six feudal states situated between the Yangtse River and the Huai River obeyed him. Therefore, King Mu (1001-946 b.c.) of Chou ordered Ch`u to punish Hsü. King Yen, as he loved the people, refused to offer resistance, till his forces were completely routed by Ch`u.

⁵ In accordance with Lao Tzŭ's text 足 should be supplied below 之.

⁶ Likewise, 為 should be 常.

⁷ Wang Hsien-shen's note has 五十三 in place of 五十四. I disagree with him.

⁸ Vide supra, pp. 203-4.

⁹ In 597 b.c.

¹⁰ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 邦 should be 封.

¹¹ The modern edition of Lao Tzŭ's text has 聖人 in place of 君子. With Ku it is wrong.

¹² The English word "position" is probably the nearest possible equivalent of 勢 as used by Han Fei Tzŭ throughout his works, which Chinese word implies both "influence" subjectively and "circumstance" objectively. To Professor M. S. Bates I owe this rendering (vide infra, Chap. XL).

¹³ Wang Hsien-shen thought 間 was a mistake for 上.

¹⁴ In 494 b.c.

¹⁵ Both were rivers, the former referring to the Yangtse and the latter running in the lower valley of the Yellow River.

¹⁶ In 482 b.c.

¹⁷ In 478 b.c. Lake Five was the present T`ai Lake near Soochow.

¹⁸ With Wang Hsien-shen 欲 should be supplied below 將.

¹⁹ Lao Tzŭ's text has 奪 in place of 取.

²⁰ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 而重自卑謂損弱勝強也 should read 而重自卑損，之謂弱勝強也.

²¹ With Wang Hsien-shen there seem hiatuses below this sentence.

²² With Wang Yin-chi 煙 should be 熛.

²³ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 曰 below 故 is superfluous.

²⁴ 丈人 means 老人. In the Book of Shih Tzŭ, it is said: "He who is old in age plasters cracks and takes precautions against chimneys, wherefore throughout his life he meets no fire disaster. This, however, he never knows to regard as virtue."

²⁵ The Historical Records has 齊桓公 in place of 蔡桓公.

²⁶ Marquis Huan should be Duke Huan and so throughout the illustration.

²⁷ 司命 was the name of a star supposed to superintend the life-anddeath problem of every mortal.

²⁸ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 曰 below 故 is superfluous.

²⁹ Chap. X has 曹 in place of 鄭.

³⁰ With Wang Hsien-shen 公 should be 君.

³¹ With Wang Hsien-shen 洗馬 means 先馬.

³² With Lu Wên-shao and Ku Kuang-ts`ê 王門 should be 玉門. With Kao Hêng, this incident was more legendary than actual, however.

³³ Instead of 以其不病，是以無病 Lao Tzŭ's text reads 以其病病，是以不病, With Wang Hsien-shen the passage as rendered by Han Fei Tzŭ means: "As he never thought it worth being sick of, he could get rid of sickness."

³⁴ Vide supra, pp. 215-16.

³⁵ This must not have been the Tzŭ-han of Chêng but a different person.

³⁶ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê and Wang Hsien-shen 塗 is a mistake for 徐.

³⁷ With Wang Wei and Wang Hsien-shen 知 above 者 should be 時.

³⁸ With Wang Hsien-ch`ien 書 below 藏 should be above it.

³⁹ Lao Tzŭ's text has no 歸 below 復.

⁴⁰ The Book of Lieh Tzŭ reads 玉 for 象.

⁴¹ With Kao Hêng 繁 above 澤 should be 顏.

⁴² His name was Ch`i. He taught the people the cultivation of grains at the time of Emperor Yao, and was a remote ancestor of the rulers of the Chou Dynasty.

⁴³ Lao Tzŭ's text has 輔 for 恃.

⁴⁴ Lao Tzŭ's text has no 可以 above 知 in both sentences.

⁴⁵ Lao Tzŭ's text has no 可以 above 知 in both sentences.

⁴⁶ I read 主 for 子.

⁴⁷ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê and Wang Hsien-shen 於 should be supplied above 期.

⁴⁸ With Kao Hêng 誘 above 道 means 進.

⁴⁹ A grandson of King P`ing of Ch`u, and son of Prince Chien. While a refugee in the Chêng State, Chien was killed by its ruler. Thereupon his son, Shêng, sought refuge in the Wu State. Later, after the death of King Chao (the youngest son of King P`ing) and the ascension of King Hui in 488 b.c., Tzŭ-hsi, a half-brother of King P`ing, called Shêng back to Ch`u and enfeoffed him with the district of Yen and the title of Duke of White. Thenceforth Prince Shêng always planned to avenge his father on the Chêngs, but his plan was hampered twice by Tzŭ-hsi, till he was forced to assassinate Tzŭ-hsi and cause a rebellion against King Hui.

⁵⁰ With Kao Hêng 而 above 策銳 should be below it.

⁵¹ If Prince Shêng concentrated his mind upon his plan to avenge his father in such a way as to forget the pain on his chin, it was because he was thinking of the very state on which he was going to avenge his father.

⁵² Lao Tzŭ's text has 名 in place of 明.

⁵³ According to the Historical Records it was King Wei and not King Chuang of Ch`u who besieged the Ch`i forces at Hsü-chou in 333 b.c.

⁵⁴ With Wang Hsien-ch`ien 害 between 小 and 善 is superfluous.

¹ 說林上.

² With Yü Yüeh 事 below 行 is superfluous.

³ Alias of Sung.

⁴ With Wang Hsien-shen 齊 above 實利 should be 其.

⁵ With Wang Wei 實 between 其名 and 美 is superfluous.

⁶ With Wang Hsien-shen 自 should be 遂.

⁷ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 歡 should be 勸.

⁸ With Ku 歡 should be 勸.

⁹ Vide Book of Poetry, Pt. II, Bk. VI, "The Decade of Pei Shan."

¹⁰ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 内 should be supplied above 樹其黨.

¹¹ The Imperial Library has 梁 in place of 宋.

¹² The Book of History has 酒誥 "Commandment against Wine" in place of 康誥. The "Announcement to K`ang" was composed of the address of King Wu to one of his younger brothers, Fêng, also called K`angshu, on appointing him to the Marquisate of Wei.

¹³ With Wang Hsien-shen 謁者 should be repeated.

¹⁴ 齊侯 Ch`i was originally a Marquisate. During the Spring and Autumn Period, however, almost every feudal lord called himself Duke. To avoid such confusion I prefer to render 侯 as "Ruler".

¹⁵ With Lu Wên-shao below 周君 there should be supplied another 周君.

¹⁶ The Book of Chou has 且 in place of 沮.

¹⁷ With Kao Hêng 子為之 should be 子之為.

¹⁸ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 懼 should be 懽.

¹⁹ The Imperial Library has 從 in place of 徙.

²⁰ With Ku 陳 and 田 were synonyms and 軫 should be 需.

²¹ With Wang Hsien-ch`ien 家之 should be 之家.

²² With Wang Hsien-shen Chuang Tzŭ put 宿 in place of 東 and repeat 逆旅

²³ With Ku Kuang-t`sê 知 reads 智.

²⁴ Hirazawa's edition has 今 in place of 令. Wang Hsien-shen's effort to interpret the connotation of 令 seems futile.

²⁵ With Lu Wên-shao 友 should be 支, which was a synonym of 枝.

²⁶ With Lu 慧 and 惠 were synonyms.

¹ 說林下.

² His real name was Sun Yang.

³ With Wang Hsien-shen 擧踶馬其一人 should be removed from below 其一人 to the place above 自以爲失相, and 其 means 之.

⁴ I regard 此 below 踶 as superfluous.

⁵ Namely, 擧踶馬之一人自以爲失相.

⁶ With Kao Hêng 任 sometimes means 察.

⁷ 奧 means 宛, the south-western corner of the sitting-room where seats of honour were reserved.

⁸ Chao Yung-hsien suspected that there were hiatus below this passage.

⁹ With Kao Hêng 惑 means 或.

¹⁰ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 桓 might have been a mistake for 杜.

¹¹ With Ku 貴主 should be 貴生.

¹² With Wang Yin-chi 鞅 should be 決.

¹³ With Wang Hsien-shen 亡 should read 忘.

¹⁴ 千鎰. One yi was equivalent to twenty taels.

¹⁵ With Wang Hsien-shen 公子 should be 公孫朝 and so throughout the whole illustration.

¹⁶ The personal name of Tzŭ-kung.

¹⁷ Wang Hsien-shen suspected that 孔子曰 was a mistake for 子西曰.

¹⁸ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 有齊 should be 齊有.

¹⁹ Namely, Pien Ch`iao (vide supra, pp. 214-15).

²⁰ With Lu Wên-shao 怒 below 將軍 is superfluous.

²¹ With Wang Hsien-shen 星 means 晴.

²² 陳 should be 陣.

²³ I propose the change of 恐韓咎不立也 into 恐韓人不立之.

²⁴ Namely, T`ien Ying, son of King Wei of Ch`i and father of Lord Mêngch`ang.

²⁵ The Imperial Library has 中尉 in place of 中射.

²⁶ With Hirazawa 之 between 以見 and 晉平公 is superfluous.

²⁷ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 逆 should be 遂.

²⁸ The "Difficulties in the Way of Persuasion" has 宋 in place of 鄭 (vide supra, p. 110).

²⁹ With Wang Hsien-shen 其家 should be supplied above 以其子為智.

¹ 觀行. Beginning with this, six successive works give the summary ideas of Han Fei Tzŭ's legalism. Concise and simple, they seem to have been the miscellaneous records of his teachings whose details he developed in other works.

² I propose 長勝 for 長生. Because in the last sentence of this chapter there is found 長勝 instead of 長生 in regard to the function of the ability of Pên and Yü.

³ 時 implies "opportunities".

⁴ 事.

⁵ 物.

⁶ 金石之士 refers to those men whose talents are as precious as gold and whose minds are as stable as stones.

¹ 安危.

² With Wang Hsien-shen 法 should be 繩. That is the inked string of the carpenter, which in this case means the fixed rule.

³ Namely, orders and prohibitions.

⁴ Such as Chung-ni and Po-i.

⁵ I propose 育 for 欲.

⁶ Wang Hsien-shen proposed 甚 for 其.

⁷ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 殺 should be 桀.

⁸ I propose the supply of 故 above小得勝大.

⁹ 秋毫 is the down on hares and plants in autumn or the tip of an autumn spikelet, which in this case means the tiniest thing.

¹ 守道.

² Lu Wên-shao suspected that 法 below 完 was superfluous.

³ With Wang Hsien-shên there are hiatuses below this passage.

⁴ 高枕 literally means to use a high pillow while asleep.

⁵ With Wang Hsien-shen 如 above 此 is superfluous.

⁶ With Wang Wei 惑 is a mistake. I propose 審 for it.

¹ 用人. The English rendering by L. T. Ch`ên is "The Use of Men" (Liang Ch`i-ch`ao, op. cit., p. 121, n. 3).

² With Wang Hsien-shen 輕其任 means 不兼官.

³ The title of Chao Kua, Commander of the Chao Army, defeated by General Pai Ch`i in 260 b.c. at Ch`ang-p`ing.

⁴ This is to say, good and bad people, who are as clearly differentiated from each other as ice and charcoal are, will not be confused with each other.

⁵ Ku Kuang-ts`ê proposed 教 for 鼓.

⁶ With Ku 教 is a mistake but no correction is made. I propose 嬌 for it.

⁷ Yü Yüeh proposed 簪 for 攢.

⁸ A loyal follower of Prince Ch`ung-erh, subsequently Duke Wên of Chin.

⁹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 燕 should be supplied above 見憎.

¹⁰ 甲 in Chinese is often used as "A" in English to symbolize a certain thing or person. So is 乙 equivalent to "B".

¹ 功名.

² With Wang Wei 主 should not be repeated.

³ With Kao Hêng 成 reads 誠.

⁴ This refers to the time when Yao was ruler and Shun was minister.

¹ 大體. This chapter seems to have been interposed by followers of Han Fei Tzŭ, who attempted to keep his ideas more Taoistic than the master himself. The whole work sounds like the description of a Taoistic Utopia.

² With Wang Hsien-shen the Imperial Library has 欲 in place of 智.

³ It means that they never have to die on the battlefield.

⁴ In ancient China merits of great men were often inscribed on such vessels.

⁵ Such are supposed to be some scenes of the Taoistic Utopia.

⁶ The ideal implied in this saying is typically Taoistic.

⁷ 太山 太 seems to be a mistake for 泰.

⁸ 干將 (vide supra, p. 41, n. 2).

¹ 内儲說上七術. The English rendering of 内外儲說 by Derk Bodde is "Inner and Outer Discussions", which is inaccurate (Fung Yu-lan, History of Chinese Philosophy: The Period of the Philosophers, p. 80).

² With Kao Hêng 一聼 means 一一聼之.

³ The text puts the topic of each discussion not at the beginning but at the end, which is confusing to readers. Therefore, I have removed it from the end to the beginning.

⁴ With Yü Yüeh 是以效之 should be 以是效之 and 效 means 明.

⁵ 氾 should be 池 (vide infra, p. 305).

⁶ With Wang Hsien-shen 事 should be 使.

⁷ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 詳 means 佯.

⁸ With Ku 陽山 should be 山陽.

⁹ A jester or comedian in the court.

¹⁰ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 擁 should be 壅.

¹¹ Thenceforth, "to stand before a cooking stove" came to mean "to befool one's ruler, said of a vicious minister".

¹² In Yen Tzŭ's Spring and Autumn Annals.

¹³ With Wang Wei Yen Tzŭ's Spring and Autumn Annals has 昭 for 哀.

¹⁴ With Wang Hsien-shen 君 should be 公, and so throughout this paragraph.

¹⁵ With Wang 必 above 坐 is superfluous.

¹⁶ With Wang Hsien-shen the Literary Works on Facts and Varieties has 入 in place of 見.

¹⁷ With Wang 閼 and 安 were synonyms.

¹⁸ With Lu Wên-shao 故 above 子產 is superfluous.

¹⁹ The twelfth month (十二月) of the lunar calendar roughly corresponds to the month of January in the solar calendar.

²⁰ With Wang Hsien-shen 菽 should be 草.

²¹ The clans of the father, the mother, and the wife.

²² I regard 之 above 人 as superfluous.

²³ I propose 人 for 之.

²⁴ It means "preventing heavy penalties by means of applying light penalties".

²⁵ 驩 reads 歡.

²⁶ With Wang Wei there should be 所 below 安.

²⁷ Members of the royal family.

²⁸ With Wang Hsien-shen 君 should be 公.

²⁹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 王 should be 君.

³⁰ With Wang Hsien-shen 者死 should be 死者.

³¹ With Wang Hsien-shen and Lu Wên-shao 走 should be 赴.

³² 鄭 refers to 韓, as Chêng had been destroyed and incorporated into the territory of Han.

³³ The name of the capital of Wey, which later became the alias of the Wey State.

³⁴ Han, Chao, and Wey.

³⁵ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 韓 is a mistake for 函 and 谷 should be supplied below it.

³⁶ With Ku 秦 should be supplied above 王.

³⁷ With Ku 氾 in both cases should be 池.

³⁸ With Ku 氾 in both cases should be 池.

³⁹ 韓 is again a mistake for 函.

⁴⁰ With Lu Wên-shao and Wang Hsien-shen 王 above 曰 is superfluous.

⁴¹ With Wang 梁 and 鄭 refer to 魏 and 韓 respectively.

⁴² With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 陽山 should be 山陽, and I regard 相謂 below 君 as superfluous.

⁴³ With Yü Yüeh 走 below 令 is superfluous.

¹ 内儲說下六徽

² I remove the topic of each discussion from the end to the beginning.

³ v. Lao Tzŭ's Tao Tah Ching, Chap. XXXVI.

⁴ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 主 should be 富.

⁵ With Yü Yüeh 久 should be 夕.

⁶ With Kao Hêng 懷 means 賜.

⁷ With Wang Hsien-shen 故 above 臣 is superfluous.

⁸ With Lu Wên-shao 牛 should be 午.

⁹ With Wang Hsien-shen 忌 should be 極.

¹⁰ 犀首 was originally the name of the post held by Kung-sun Yen, till it almost became his pen-name.

¹¹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 不 above 僖俟 should be 昭.

¹² 廟攻.

¹³ Under the system of Kuan Tzŭ the country was divided into three units for military purposes and the basis of local organization was five families, and two thousand five hundred families formed a county ruled by a magistrate.

¹⁴ The text has 廟攻 in the next line as though it were topic of the preceding paragraph. With Wang Hsien-shen this is absurd inasmuch as the work is presupposed to enumerate six instead of seven minutise. Wang thought the two characters continued from the preceding passage, which, however, can hardly make any sense, either additional or separate.

¹⁵ Namely, Lao-tzŭ.

¹⁶ With Wang Hsien-shen 久 should be 夕, and so throughout this annotation.

¹⁷ With Kao Hêng 懷 in both cases means 賜.

¹⁸ With Kao Hêng 懷 in both cases means 賜.

¹⁹ Namely, oxen, sheep, pigs, dogs, and fowls.

²⁰ The three families descended from Duke Huan of Lu and therefore were frequently called "Three Huans."

²¹ With Wang Hsien-shen 公偪 should be 偪公.

²² Wang Hsien-shen thought 逐 above 之 was a mistake for 遂 and proposed the addition of 齊 below 之.

²³ With Yü Yüeh 有 reads 又.

²⁴ With Yü 攻 means 善.

²⁵ With Wang Hsien-shen 今天 should be 今若.

²⁶ With Wang 吳 should be 吾.

²⁷ With Wang 牛 should be 午.

²⁸ With Wang 跪 means 足. Foot-cutting was a form of penalty.

²⁹ With Wang 為 should be 如, and with Kao Hêng should be 如.

³⁰ With Wang 殆 above 去 means 必.

³¹ With Yü Yüeh 入 below 新 is superfluous.

³² Wang Hsien-shen suspected 誅 "to censure" a mistake for 逐 "to banish" because Canon Three stated that Hsi Shou ran into exile. I disagree with Wang inasmuch as Hsi Shou could run away from censure as well as from banishment.

³³ With Wang Hsien-shen 於 should be added above 王.

³⁴ With Wang Hsien-ch`ien 不 should be supplied above 殺之.

³⁵ With Wang 益 above 親之 seems superfluous.

³⁶ With Wang 疾 means 嫉.

³⁷ With Wang Hsien-shen the Imperial Readings has no 翳 above 憎 .

³⁸ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 不 above 能 should be 乃.

³⁹ With Wang Hsien-shen 患 should be 惡.

⁴⁰ With Wang 以 should be added above 商臣.

⁴¹ With Wang 為 means 謂.

⁴² With Yü Yüeh 為 below 能 is superfluous.

⁴³ i.e. among concubines, court ladies, etc.

⁴⁴ i.e. among subordinate officials, itinerant opportunists, etc.

⁴⁵ With Wang Hsien-shen 陰 should be 陽 which means 佯.

⁴⁶ With Wang Duke Ai was Han Fei Tzŭ's mistake for Duke Ting.

⁴⁷ With Wang Wei 榮 should be 熒.

⁴⁸ With Wang 相 above 賢 is superfluous.

⁴⁹ With Kao Hêng 日者 means 往昔.

⁵⁰ With Yü Yüeh 王 should be 玉.

⁵¹ It must have been something like a cigar.

⁵² With Wang Hsien-shen 榮 should be 熒.

⁵³ With Wang 行 below 去 is superfluous.

⁵⁴ With Yü Yüeh 與 should be 擧.

⁵⁵ With Wang Hsien-shen there should not be 七 at the head of this passage.

⁵⁶ With Wang 有 reads 又.

⁵⁷ With Wang Nien-sun 輙還 should be 輟行.

⁵⁸ 嗣君 should be 嗣公.

¹ 外儲說左上

² Hirazawa's edition has 暗主 while Wang's has 明主. The former suits the general sense better than the latter.

³ With Wang Hsien-shen 藥酒用言明君聖主之以獨知也 should be 藥酒忠言知者明主之所以獨知也.

⁴ With Ku Kuang-ts'ê 李 should be 季.

⁵ With Ku 季惠宋墨 refer to 季良，惠施，宋鉼，墨翟.

⁶ With Ku 畏 should be 魏 referring to 魏傘.

⁷ With Ku 瞻 refers to 瞻何, a philosopher mentioned by Chuang Tzŭ, Work XX has 詹 in place of 詹.

⁸ With Ku 震 should be 處.

⁹ With Ku 車 should be 陳 which means 駢, and 狀皆 below it should be 皆狀.

¹⁰ With Ku 務卞鮑介 refer to 務光，卞隨，鮑焦，介子推.

¹¹ With Wang Hsien-shen 墨翟 is a mistake for 田仲.

¹² With Wang 也 below 匠 is superfluous.

¹³ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 譟 should be ###.

¹⁴ With Wang Hsien-shen 實 seems to be a mistake for 士.

¹⁵ With Wang 播 should be 番.

¹⁶ 弋 means "an arrow with a string tied to it."

¹⁷ With Wang Hsien-ch`ien 侍長者飲 was left out below 而其少者 and so should be supplied.

¹⁸ With Wang Hsien-shen Chao Yung-hsien's edition has 不能 in place of 不信.

¹⁹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 下畜 should be 不畜.

²⁰ With Ts`ui Chuan 錘 should be 垂 which means "one of two sides". With Kao Hêng 垂 in antiquity meant one-third.

²¹ In short, they are outlaws.

²² With Lu Wên-shao 周 is a mistake for 害.

²³ With Wang Hsien-ch`ien 威 means 畏.

²⁴ With Lu Wên-shao 王 should be 主.

²⁵ Bk. IV, vii, 4, Legge's trans.

²⁶ I propose 援 for 緩， 援 meaning 引證.

²⁷ With Kao Hêng 厚 below 尊 should be 重.

²⁸ With Kao 誠 below 不足 means 成.

²⁹ With Wang 位下 means 涖下.

³⁰ I propose 猶為 for 且為.

³¹ As the annotation of this last illustration was lost, the name of this ruler has remained unknown.

³² Hirazawa proposed 祿 for ###.

³³ With Ku Kuang-ts'ê 尊 should be supplied above 信.

³⁴ With Ku 尊 above 厲王 is superfluous.

³⁵ It runs:—

The South Wind's genial balm
Gives to my people's sorrows ease;
Its breath amidst the season's calm,
Brings to their wealth a large increase.
(Li Ki, Bk. XVII, sec. ii, i, f., Legge's trans.)

³⁶ With Wang Hsien-ch`ien 身體 should be 體身.

³⁷ With Wang Hsien-shen the Royal Readings has no 令晉 above 為之.

³⁸ With Wang the same edition has 衣文 in place of 文衣.

³⁹ The same edition has 翡翠 in place of 羽翠.

⁴⁰ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 用 should be supplied below 忘其.

⁴¹ One Chinese foot is about the same as one English foot but is divided into ten instead of twelve inches.

⁴² 石. One shih consists of four chün (鈞) and one chün of thirty chin (斤) or catties, and one chin is roughly equivalent to one pound and one-third.

⁴³ With Wang Hsien-shên, Chang's edition has no 勝 between 不 and 如.

⁴⁴ With Wang Hsien-shen 之奉 should be supplied below 三乘.

⁴⁵ Emoluments were measured by chariots during the Chou Dynasty, one chariot being supported by a locality of six square li.

⁴⁶ With Wang Hsien-shen 言 above 王 should be 謂.

⁴⁷ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 削 below 棘 should be 刺, and 毋猴何以 should be supplied below 為棘刺之.

⁴⁸ With Ku 見 below 觀 is superfluous.

⁴⁹ 兒說 in this case should read 倪悅.

⁵⁰ 白馬非馬. As there is no article in Chinese, in English this can be rendered into several qualitatively and quantitatively different propositions as follows:—

"The white horse is not the horse"—true.
"A white horse is not a horse"—false.
"The white horse is not a horse"—false.
"A white horse is not the horse"—true.

Of the above-stated propositions, the first and the last are true while the second and the third are false because it is self-evident that the number of horses, taken as a whole, is far greater than the number of white horses only. The subject-predicate relationships in these four propositions, therefore, is neither mutual identification nor mutual exclusion, but subjective inclusion. Accordingly, the white horse is not the horse but is a horse, and a white horse is not the horse but is a horse. Ni Yüeh was right if by 白馬非馬 he meant the first or the last proposition; but his opponents could be equally right if by 白馬非馬 they meant the second or the third proposition. He always won because he seemed able to distinguish between the subject-predicate relationship of identification and that of inclusion while his opponents were apparently unable to do the same. Were there Article and Number in Chinese Grammar, no dispute as such could take place.

⁵¹ 稷 refers to the Grain Gate (稷門) on the city-walls of the capital of Ch`i. Nearby the Gate there was built by King Hsüan a club house for literary men and itinerant scholars from All-under-Heaven. Therefore, anybody invited to lecture and debate in the place was called "A Grain Gate Scholar" (稷下之士) and enjoyed practically the same prestige as the F. R. S. of the present age.

⁵² With Wang Hsien-shen 十步 should be 百步.

⁵³ Work XLI has 中 in place of 全.

⁵⁴ With Wang Hsien-ch`ien 也 below 畏失 should be below 妄言.

⁵⁵ Ku Kuang-ts`ê proposed the supply of 之 below 度, and 而 above 譽.

⁵⁶ I propose the replacement of 入 between 不 and 關 with 以儀的為.

⁵⁷ 十版.

⁵⁸ In Chinese to speak in the third person is regarded as polite.

⁵⁹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 剖 below 不可 is superfluous.

⁶⁰ With Ku 任重 above 如堅石 is superfluous.

⁶¹ With Ku 以 above 斟 is superfluous.

⁶² With Ku Kuang ts`e 范且 refers to Fan Chü (范睢) as 且 and 睢 are sometimes synonyms.

⁶³ 三旬.

⁶⁴ With Kao Hêng 為 above 虛辭 should be 因.

⁶⁵ With Kao 其 above 無用 should be 之.

⁶⁶ With Kao 其 above 無易 should be 之.

⁶⁷ With Ku 工匠 should be supplied above 不得施.

⁶⁸ With Kao Hêng 調 means 擇, and 錢 below 易 should be above 布.

⁶⁹ With Ku 且 should be supplied above 熟, and 耘 below 熟 should be 云.

⁷⁰ With Ku 者 below 耕耘 is superfluous.

⁷¹ 畦 is a piece of ground fifty mou in area.

⁷² With Ku 畦 above 畤 should be 疇.

⁷³ Bodde's translation of this whole paragraph (Fung, op. cit., p. 327) like those of many other citations from Han Fei Tzŭ involves inaccuracies on many points, and, what is worse, contains omissions.

⁷⁴ 菁茅, namely, thorny reeds triangular in shape used for filtering wine on ceremonial occasions.

⁷⁵ With Wang Hsien-shen 今 above 吾 is superfluous.

⁷⁶ With Wang the Imperial Readings has no 矣 below 此.

⁷⁷ 咎 reads 舅, and Fan was an epithet of Hu Yen.

⁷⁸ With Wang Hsien-shen the Digests of Classics has 乎 below 君.

⁷⁹ With Kao Hêng 何種 means 何物.

⁸⁰ According to the Chinese etiquette a youngster is not supposed to drink at the same time at the same table with elder people.

⁸¹ With Wang Hsien-shen 自喜 below 有 seems a mistake for 效善.

⁸² With Wang 書 should be 記 and so throughout this annotation.

⁸³ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 曰 above 難之 should be 日.

⁸⁴ With Wang Hsien-shen 錘 is a mistake for 垂, which with Kao Hêng means one-third.

⁸⁵ With Wang 己 should be supplied above 因死.

⁸⁶ With Wang the Imperial Readings has 下居士而朝之 in place of 下士居朝.

⁸⁷ I remove 公曰諾 here from above 於是日郎中莫衣紫.

⁸⁸ With Wang Hsien-shen — 一曰 should be supplied above 子產相鄭.

⁸⁹ 俎豆. 俎 is for serving meat; 豆 for vegetables.

⁹⁰ 竽 is a kind of musical instrument consisting of thirty-six reed pipes.

⁹¹ 瑟 is a kind of harp or lute.

⁹² With Wang Hsien-shen 任 should be supplied below 寡人之.

⁹³ Hirazawa's edition has 政 above 事.

⁹⁴ Old people having black and white hairs.

⁹⁵ With Lu Wên-shao Duke Hsiang died in the year (637 b.c.) following the great humiliation.

⁹⁶ With Wang Hsien-shen 自親 above 仁義 is superfluous.

⁹⁷ With Wang 上 should be 食.

⁹⁸ 進 and 盡 in antiquity had the same meaning. I regard one of the two characters in the text as superfluous.

⁹⁹ Before the invention of paper bamboo slips were used as pages of books.

¹⁰⁰ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê there are histuses below this.

¹⁰¹ With Yüeh Yüeh 信事信義 should be supplied below 信名.

¹⁰² With Wang Hsien-shén 日上矣 below 左右和 is superfluous.

¹⁰³ With Wang 到 should be 倒, and 至 below it is superfluous.

¹⁰⁴ With Wang 惠 should be 衛.

¹⁰⁵ With Wang 偽 should be 過.

¹⁰⁶ The last two annotations, not mentioned in the canon, are practically the same as the last two in Work XXX.

¹ 外儲說左下.

² 跀危. With Wang Hsien-shên 危 should read 跪 which means 足.

³ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê and Wang Hsien-ch`ien 坐 should be 生.

⁴ With Wang Hsien-ch`ien 繫 should be supplied between 自 and 履.

⁵ 王 should be 子.

⁶ 叔孫 should be 孫叔 in accordance with the annotation.

⁷ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê, Hirazawa, and the Waseda University Press 而出入之容變 continues from 仲尼論管仲與孫叔敖 Ku thought the sentence involves mistakes. Hirazawa and the Waseda University Press both made a forced interpretation of its sense. With Wang Hsien-shên it leads to 陽虎之言見其臣也. The order of words, Wang says, is an ancient way of sentence construction.

⁸ With Wang Hsien-shên 出門 should be 后門.

⁹ 徙 means 獨.

¹⁰ With Wang Hsien-shên 將軍 seems to be a mistake for 之奉.

¹¹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 騎 should be 驂.

¹² With Ku 君 should be 若.

¹³ With Ku 知 should be 智.

¹⁴ 足 means "leg" as well as "sufficient". Hence the equivocation of 一足.

¹⁵ I read 黃鳳虛 for 鳳黃虛.

¹⁶ 上 should be supplied above 皆其師.

¹⁷ With Wang Hsien-shên 一曰 should be supplied above 南宮敬子.

¹⁸ Namely, glutinous millet, millet, wheat, hemp seed, and beans.

¹⁹ Namely, plums, apricots, chestnuts, melons, peaches, and mulberry.

²⁰ 果 means the fruits of trees; 蓏, the fruits of grass.

²¹ With Wang Hsien-shên 桃 should be supplied above 先.

²² 人人 should be 人臣.

²³ The dice on which an owl is engraved.

²⁴ To kill the die means to discard it throughout the rest of the game.

²⁵ The last four annotations are never referred to in the Canon.

²⁶ 狗盜, namely, a sly thief wearing the dog's fur on stealing into people's houses as dogs do.

²⁷ Poor people in particular fall short of trousers in winter while a legless man does not need them all the year.

²⁸ With Kao Hêng 菽 should be 茹.

²⁹ According to the system of Chou one army consisted of five divisions, each division having two thousand five hundred soldiers, and three armies made the biggest unit for military operations.

³⁰ This last annotation is not referred to in the Canon.

³¹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 孟 should be 盂.

³² With Ku 魯 should be 晉.

³³ 孟 should be 盂.

³⁴ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 車 should be supplied below 御.

³⁵ Eight horses altogether.

³⁶ With Wang Wei 循 above 車馬 should be 脩.

³⁷ The annotation of Confucius's estimate of Yen Ying, which ought to follow this, is missing.

³⁸ A famous tower of antiquity for keeping money and treasures.

³⁹ With Wang Hsien-ch`ien these passages beginning with 孫叔敖相楚 are Confucius's sayings and therefore should be included in the same quotation.

⁴⁰ 祖黎 above 橘柚 is superfluous.

⁴¹ Hirazawa's edition has 晉 in place of 魯.

⁴² Chao, Ch`i, and Yen.

⁴³ With Lu Wên-shao 擁 should be 壅.

⁴⁴ This annotation is not referred to in the Canon. Wang Hsien-shên suspected that these passages were hiatuses from the end of Work XVIII, "Facing the South" (v. p. 155 n. 6).

⁴⁵ With Wang Hsien-shên 夫 above 直議 should be 曰.

⁴⁶ 閉門 should be 門閉.

¹ 外儲說右上.

² With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 合 above 勢 should be 舍.

³ With Wang Hsien-shên 遇 above 勢 should be 遏.

⁴ With Kao Hêng 軺 reads 招.

⁵ With Kao 轂 reads 彀.

⁶ 鞠 should be supplied below 易 in accordance with the annotation.

⁷ With Wang Hsien-shên 氏 should be 君.

⁸ 犀首 was originally name of an official post in Wey, which post Kung-sun Yen held so long, till it became his style.

⁹ With Wang Hsien-shên 知貴 seems to be a mistake for 欲知.

¹⁰ With Yü Yüeh 餘 above 財 is superfluous.

¹¹ With Wang Hsien-shên 惠施 should be 施惠.

¹² 斗斛區釜 refer to different measures for grain.

¹³ 士 or "gentry" in this case connotes both scholars and warriors.

¹⁴ 二制. One chih is about eighteen feet.

¹⁵ They feared they might be held under suspicion by the ruling authorities if they kept singing his praises.

¹⁶ The Book of Poatry, Pt. II. Bk. VII, IV, 3, trans. by Legge.

¹⁷ With Wang Hsien-shen 之歌舞 should be 歌舞之.

¹⁸ Both Hirazawa's and Waseda's editions have 故曰 in place of 或曰.

¹⁹ The personal name of Tzŭ-lu.

²⁰ The personal name of Chi-sun.

²¹ 非 should be supplied above 所以教於囯.

²² With Wang Hsien-shen 也 below 狂矞 is superfluous.

²³ 議 means 義.

²⁴ 軫 really means "the bar behind a carriage". When it turns, the wheels of the carriage turn, too. Therefore, to turn the bar is the same as to turn the wheels.

²⁵ With Kao Hêng 百 above 金 should be 千 as found in Wang Ch`ung's "Refutation of Han Fei Tzŭ".

²⁶ I propose 主 for 王.

²⁷ The personal name of Hsüeh Kung, i.e. Lord Mêng-ch`ang.

²⁸ Hirazawa's edition has 飾 in place of 惑 below 人.

²⁹ With Kao Hêng 規 in both cases means 窺.

³⁰ With Yü Yüeh 知 is a mistake for 和.

³¹ With Kao Hêng 知 above 見 is superfluous.

³² With Yü Yüeh 曰 should be 日 and 引 above 王 should be 以.

³³ T`ien Ying was his real name.

³⁴ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 主 should be 王.

³⁵ In addition to the sign-board he hangs up, the Chinese storekeeper frequently hoists his banner for advertising purposes.

³⁶ With Wang Hslen-shên 富 is a mistake for 輔.

³⁷ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 安 above 据 means 案, and 不 above it should be 所.

³⁸ With Ku 腹 should be supplied below 據.

³⁹ With Kao Hêng 樹 should be supplied above 木.

⁴⁰ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 危 above 據 should be 安.

⁴¹ With Sun I-jang 茅門 should be 雉門.

⁴² With Wang Hsien-shên 下尚校 should be 下校尚 which means 下亢上.

⁴³ With Wang 至茆門 should be repeated.

⁴⁴ 嗣君 should be 嗣公 and so throughout the annotation.

⁴⁵ 萬頃. One ch`ing is one hundred mou. One mou is a Chinese acre; one English acre is about 6.6 mou.

⁴⁶ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 信 above 言 is superfluous.

⁴⁷ With Wang Hsien-shên 以 below 吾 should be 已.

⁴⁸ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 反 should be 及.

⁴⁹ 疾呼.

⁵⁰ 徐呼.

⁵¹ 謂 above 教 means 為.

⁵² With Wang Hsien-shên 又 reads 有.

⁵³ With Wang 效 should be 較 but with Kao Hêng 效 means 考 or 驗.

⁵⁴ Kung-sun Lung made a epistemological analysis of the qualities of physical objects with special reference to the tactile and the visible qualities, for example, hardness and whiteness. A similar analysis was made two thousand years later in the West, first by Descartes and Locke and then by Berkeley and Hume. Distinguishing between the primary and the secondary qualities, Descartes and Locke considered solidity or hardness as primary and whiteness as secondary. According to them, the primary qualities of physical objects have objective existence while the secondary qualities are due to mental activities of the perceiver. Thus, both of them were subjectified by Berkeley, and Hume even went so far as to disprove the substantiality of the perceiving mind. The attention of our Chinese philosopher, Kung-sun Lung, was attracted to the relationship between hardness and whiteness, namely, between a primary quality and a secondary one, which has evidently interested no thinker in the West. According to Kung-sun Lung, whiteness is perceived by the eyes but never by the hand. Yet both inhere equally in the same object. Are hardness and whiteness two distinct qualities in objective existence or are they the same thing perceived by different senses? If neither the hands nor the eyes can solve this problem, who can solve it? These were some of the puzzling problems Kung-sun Lung raised and attempted to solve.

¹ 外儲說右下.

² 明主 should be 人主 inasmuch as 明主 here makes no sense, and so throughout this canon.

³ With Wang Hsien-shên 敗 below 不然 should be 則.

⁴ With Wang Hsien-shen 成 above 恆 is superfluous as it was a posthumously given name, and so throughout this annotation.

⁵ With Wang Hsien-ch`ien 服成 above 請效 is superfluous.

⁶ With Wang Hsien-shen 手 should be 毛.

⁷ I propose 田恆 for 田成常 inasmuch as 成 was posthumously given and was altered into 常 by scholars during the Han Dynasty to avoid the sacred name of an emperor.

⁸ With Wang Hsien-shĕng 入 should be 出.

⁹ With Kao Hêng 訾 stands for 貲 which means "a fine paid to escape punishment."

¹⁰ 社臘. 社 refers to the festivals in spring and autumn and 臘 refers to those following the winter solstice.

¹¹ With Kao Hêng 屯 above 二甲 should be 出.

¹² With Yü Yüeh and Wang Hsien-shen 著 below 草 is superfluous.

¹³ 闞 should be 隱.

¹⁴ With Wang Hsien-shen 佯愛人 and 佯憎人 should be repeated respectively.

¹⁵ With Wang 諸俟 both above 辟疆 and above 燬 should be 衛俟.

¹⁶ 辟疆. The Son of Heaven alone was entitled to such a pen-name as they thought the Son of Heaven alone deserved to open land and extend territory.

¹⁷ With Wang Hsien-shën 子 below 父 is superfluous.

¹⁸ With Wang 輟而 below 收器 should be 而輟.

¹⁹ I propose 咸騖 for 轡驚 in accordance with the Canon.

²⁰ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 後 below 罷食 is superfluous.

²¹ Made of bamboo slips, they could be easily whittled with knives.

²² With Wang Hsien-shên there must be hiatuses below this passage.

²³ With Yü Yüeh 挑文 should read 翟文.

²⁴ With Kao Hêng 飾 below 鉤 should stand for 勒.

¹ 難一.

² Tzŭ-fan was the pen-name of Hu Yen who was a maternal uncle of Duke Wên. Therefore, Hu Yen was frequently called Uncle Fan.

³ By "some critic" Han Fei Tzŭ apparently meant himself.

⁴ With Wang Hsien-shen 詐於 should be 於詐.

⁵ With Wang Wei 今 should be 令.

⁶ v. infra, Work XL, p. 203.

⁷ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 有盡 below 舞 is superfluous.

⁸ With Ku 驕 should be 矯.

⁹ v. Work VII, p. 50, and Work X, p. 89.

¹⁰ With Yü Yüeh 矜偽 should be 務偽.

¹¹ With Wang Hsien-shen 卒 above 死 is superfluous.

¹² With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 尸 should be 戶 and so throughout the criticism.

¹³ The ruler calculates the strength exerted by the minister; the minister calculates the emolument bestowed by the ruler.

¹⁴ With Wang Hsien-ch`ien 數 below 度 is superfluous.

¹⁵ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 進 above 論 is superfluous.

¹⁶ With Lu Wên-shao 除 should be 凃.

¹⁷ Wang Hsien-shen suspected that there were hiatuses below this passage.

¹⁸ With Wang Hsien-shen 待 should be 去.

¹⁹ With Wang 義 below 禮 is superfluous.

²⁰ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 謂 below 不可 is superfluous.

²¹ With Ku 于 above 湯 should be 干.

²² With Ku 于 above 穆公 should be 干.

²³ With Wang Hsien-shen 行 above 見 should be 得.

²⁴ Wang proposed the supply of 是 above 小臣.

²⁵ 執會. Hirazawa's edition has 禽 in place of 會. The Waseda University Press edition regarded 會 as a mistake for 禽. Alfred Forke mistook 執禽 for 執擒 in Work L. (v. infra, p. 306, f.3).

²⁶ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 則 above 勸 should be 不可.

²⁷ With Yü Yüeh 是子言分謗也 should be 是郤子之言, 非分謗也，益謗也

²⁸ v. supra, Work XXXIII, p. 80.

²⁹ With Wang Wei 國 should be 貴.

³⁰ Ku Kuang-ts`ê proposed the supply of 用 below —.

³¹ With Wang Hsien-shên 有 below 未 should be 為.

¹ 難二.

² With Wang Hsien-shên 且 above 嬰 should be 臣 ch`ên, minister.

³ Unjust punishments, however few in number, are still unjust.

⁴ With Wang Hsien-shên, small men regard dropping the crown as a disgrace while gentlemen regard dropping righteousness as a disgrace.

⁵ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 行 should be 遺.

⁶ 宿 should be supplied below 遺.

⁷ With Kao Hêng 削 bove 縫 means 縫, too.

⁸ As a matter of fact, it was Pai Hsi who first served Yü and later went to Ch`in. Chien Shu was brought in by Pai-li Hsi, but he never served Yü.

⁹ With Yü Yüeh 干 should be 虞, and so throughout the criticism.

¹⁰ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 臣 should be 君.

¹¹ 五百 should be 五伯 which means 五霸.

¹² With Wang Haien-shen 尸 should be 戶.

¹³ 咎犯 should be 舅犯.

¹⁴ With Yü Yüeh 自 in both cases should be 由.

¹⁵ With Chang P`ang and Wang Hsien-shen 亦以明矣 should be supplied below 非周公旦.

¹⁶ With Chang and Wang 然其賢與不賢 should be supplied above 未可知也.

¹⁷ With Wang 以 above 明 should be 已.

¹⁸ With Wang 尸 should be 戶.

¹⁹ 兌 should be 克 (v. supra, Work XXXIII, p. 68).

²⁰ 陰陽.

²¹ Namely, horses, oxen, sheep, chickens, dogs, and pigs.

²² With Wang Hsien-shen 郛郭 should be 附郭.

²³ Hirazawa's edition has 臣聞之 above 昔者, which is wrong.

²⁴ 百族 like 百姓 "the hundred surnames" means the masses of people

²⁵ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 失 above 人 should be 夫.

²⁶ With Wang Hsien-shën, Chao Yung-hsien's edition has 北 in place of 比.

¹ 難三.

² 龐##氏. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê Wang Ch`ung's "Refutation of Han Fei Tzŭ" has 橺 in place of ###.

³ 觀 should be 勸.

⁴ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 王 should be 主.

⁵ 取魯之民. With Hirazawa 取 should read 鄒. By the men of Tsou and Lu the author evidently meant Confucius and his immediate descendants and followers who were natives of the two countries.

⁶ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 惠竇 should be 渭濱 throughout this criticism.

⁷ Namely, Kung-sum Ts`ao, Tzŭ-chih being his pen-name.

⁸ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 君 should be supplied below 讐

⁹ Work XXXI has 朝 in place of 宰 (v. supra, p. 19).

¹⁰ Work XXXI has 周 in place of 州 (v. supra, p. 4).

¹¹ Cf. Confucian Analects, Bk. XIII, Ch. XVI, 2, Legge's trans.

¹² With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 紹 should be 詔.

¹³ With Ku 不 should be 下.

¹⁴ Namely, Yao, Shun, Yü, T`ang, Wên, and Wu.

¹⁵ v. Lao Tzŭ's Tao-Teh-Ching, Ch. LXIII, 3, trans. by Carus.

¹⁶ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 得 should be 德.

¹⁷ With Ku 罰 below 誅 should be 賞.

¹⁸ v. Lao Tzŭ's Tao-Teh-Ching, Ch. XVII, 1, trans. by Carus. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 智 reads 知.

¹⁹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 巨 above 相進 should be 功.

²⁰ With Ku 選 should be supplied above 賢.

²¹ With Ku 自 above 徇 should be 相.

²² With Wang Hsien-shên 能 should be supplied below 不.

²³ With Wang Hsien-shên 然故 means, 然則.

²⁴ With Sun I-jang 精沐 seemingly should be 精悉.

²⁵ v. supra, p. 265.

²⁶ Cf. Tao-Teh-Ching, Ch. LXV, 2, trans. by Carus.

²⁷ 常 should be 嘗 and so throughout this criticism.

²⁸ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê The Book of Warring States has 今以無能之如耳魏齊，帥弱韓魏，以攻秦，其無奈寡人何，亦明矣 below the preceding sentence. I deem it necessary to supply this sentence below the preceding one.

²⁹ 三板.

³⁰ The then capital of Wey.

³¹ The then capital of Han.

³² With Wang Hsien-shen 其 above 晉陽 is superfluous.

³³ 旗 reads 期.

³⁴ Kuan Tzŭ's "Cultivating Powers" has 徵 in place of 證.

³⁵ Kuan Tzŭ, "On the Shepherd of the People."

¹ 難四. In this Work each criticism is followed by a counter-criticism.

² With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 伐 should be 代 and so in the following sentence.

³ With Wang Hsien-shen 晉齊 should be 齊晉.

⁴ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 臣 should be 巨 which means 詎.

⁵ With Wang Hsien-shen 其所以亡 means 亡其為臣.

⁶ With Wang 其失所以得君 means 失其為臣之禮, 故得為其君.

⁷ With Kao Hêng this referred to Wu's being enchained at the Jade Gate (Cf. supra, XXI, p. 218).

⁸ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 咺 should be 宣.

⁹ With Wang 於 below 伐 is superfluous.

¹⁰ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê below 不使景公加誅於 should be supplied 齊之巧臣，而使加誅於.

¹¹ Wang Hsien-shen thought 桓 referred to the Three Huans and so proposed the supply of 三 above it. I disagree with him. 桓 must refer to Duke Huan inasmuch as he, being the first Hegemonic Ruler, was guilty of fratricide and could make no good example.

¹² With Wang 知 below 誅 should be above it.

¹³ 辛卯. 辛 is the eighth one among the ten heavenly stems, and 卯, the fourth one among the twelve earthly branches according to the accepted cosmology of classic antiquity in China. By framing the ten stems with the twelve branches ancient Chinese invented the cosmic cycle with sixty steps, each representing one type of the chance combination of heavenly and earthly factors. After this cycle they have named from time immemorial the years, the months, the days, and the hours, the Chinese having divided one day into twelve instead of twenty-four hours.

¹⁴ Lu Wên-shao suspected 亶 was a mistake for 亹.

¹⁵ With Ku 臣罪 should be 罪臣.

¹⁶ With Wang Hsien-shen 昭公 should be 高伯.

¹⁷ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 以 above 誅 should be 已.

¹⁸ Ch`i Chih, Ch`i Yi, and Ch`i Ch`iu.

¹⁹ Work XXX has 對曰 above 夢見.

²⁰ Both Hirazawa's and the Waseda edition have 知 in place of 誅. The following counter-criticism has 知 in its quotation from the present critic. I believe 誅 should be 知.

²¹ Both Hirazawa's and the Waseda edition have 公 in place of 候.

²² With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 狀 below 異 is superfluous.

²³ With Wang Wei 叔孫 should be 孫叔.

²⁴ Namely, King Chow.

²⁵ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 之 below 知 is superfluous.

²⁶ I regard 日 as a mistake for 曰. The Palace Library edition has 曰 in place of 日, too. Ku considered it wrong, however.

¹ 難勢. Its English rendering by L. T. Chen is "Misgivings on Circumstances" (Liang, History of Chinese Political Thought during the Early Tsin Period, p. 117, f.I), which is a great mistake. Derk Bodde rendered shih (勢) as "power" or "authority" (Fung, History of Chinese Philosophy: The Period of the Philosophers, p. 318 ff.), which is inaccurate. For shih, a special term employed by the ancient Chinese legalists, I have chosen "position" in English inasmuch as it implies "circumstance" objectively and "influence" subjectively and, moreover, is intimately related to wei (位) for which I have used "status".

² With Yü Yüeh and Wang Hsien-shen 缶 is a mistake for 詘.

³ With Wang Hsien-ch`ien 之 below 美 is superfluous.

⁴ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 也 below 勢 should be 以.

⁵ With Yü Yüeh 已 in both cases should be 己.

⁶ With Yü Yüeh 已 in both cases should be 己.

⁷ I read 生 for 性.

⁸ With Wang Hsien-shen 勢 should be supplied below 乘 and 四 above 行 should be 肆.

⁹ Namely, the circumstance and influence of the throne.

¹⁰ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 未 below 本 should be 末.

¹¹ With Wang Hsien-shen the Digest of Classics has no 位 below 國.

¹² With Wang the same book has 銜 below 轡.

¹³ So much for the critical analysis of Shên Tzŭ's doctrine of position. In the following passages Han Fei Tzŭ attempted a critical estimate of the two foregoing systems.

¹⁴ With Wang Hsien-shen 吾 between 若 and 所言 is a mistake for 客.

¹⁵ The passage 以不可禁之勢，此矛楯之說也 involves both mistakes and hiatuses. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê it should be 以不可禁之賢與無不禁之勢兩立，此矛楯之說也.

¹⁶ 矛楯之說, logically speaking, is a violation of the Law of Contradiction, the same preducats cannot be both affirmed and denied of precisely the same subject.

¹⁷ With Wang Hsien-shen 反 should be supplied above 是比肩隨踵而生也.

¹⁸ With Lu Wên-shao 海 above 游 is superfluous.

¹⁹ Places hundreds of miles apart.

²⁰ With Kao Hêng 未 below 兩 should be 末.

¹ 問辯. The Chinese word pien 辯 connotes both "dispute" and "controversy" in English. Therefore in the translation of this work sometimes both are simultaneously used for difference in emphasis.

² Most probably because of his methodological differences, Derk Bodde made a very different rendering of this paragraph (v. Fung, op. cit., p. 323).

³ With Wang Hsien-shen 而 should be supplied above 民.

⁴ With Kao Hêng 漸 above 其法令 means 姦.

⁵ Wang Hsien-shen proposed 百步 for 十步.

⁶ By Kung-sun Lung. See supra, p. 116.

⁷ By Têng Hsi Tzŭ. In place of Têng Hsi, Bodde put Hui Shih (Fung, op. cit., p. 323, f.1), which is wrong. In his essay on "The Merciless" Têng Hsi enumerated certain challenging ideas as follows: - Heaven cannot prevent the causes of malignancy and adversity and thereby make short-lived people to live on and good citizens to live long. To mankind this is merciless. As a rule, people make holes through walls and steal things, because they were born amidst needy circumstances and brought up in poverty and destitution. Nevertheless, the ruler would stick to the law and censure them. To the people this is merciless. Yao and Shun attained the status of the Son of Heaven, but Tan Chu and Shang Chün remained hemp clothed commoners. To sons this is merciless. The Duke of Chou censured Kuan and Ts`ai. To brothers this is merciless . . . .

¹ 問田.

² The two dialogues are not directly related either in structure or in subject-matter. Known as famous sayings, however, they were apparently written posthumously by followers of the author to explain the untimely death of the master. The basic ideas set forth in both dialogues by no means betray his confidence in them.

³ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 毛 should be 屯.

⁴ Han Fei had been called Han Tzŭ up to the time of Han Yü (a.d. 768-824).

⁵ With Kao Hêng 効 below 何以 means 驗.

⁶ Wang Wei proposed 先生 for 先王.

⁷ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 身 below 夫 should be 利.

⁸ With Yü Yüeh 先王 should be 先生.

¹ 定法. Its English rendering by L. T. Chên is "The Codification of Law" (Liang, op. cit., p. 114, f.3), which is a serious mistake.

² With Lu Wên-shao 利在 above 故新 is superfluous.

³ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 七十 should be 十七. Shên Pu-hai was Premier of Han from 351 to 337 b.c.

⁴ One failing to denounce anybody else's crime was punished as if he had committed the crime oneself.

⁵ Kung-sun Yang went to Ch`in in 361 b.c., the first year of the reign of Duke Hsiao. His petition for radical changes in the law was accepted in 359 b.c. when Duke Hsiao trusted him with all state affairs. Upon the death of Duke Hsiao in 335 b.c. Lord Shang had already governed Ch`in for over twenty years, which period of time was thereby referred to in the text.

⁶ With Lu Wên-shao and Ku Kuang-ts`ê 不 above 勤飾 should be 雖.

¹ 說疑. With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 疑 reads 擬. The English rendering of 說疑 by L. T. Chên is "Misgivings" (Liang, op. cit., p. 116, f. 1), which is a serious mistake.

² With Ku 明 below 謂 is superfluous.

³ With Kao Hêng 方在於人 means 僅及於有功有罪之人耳 .

⁴ I propose the supply of 則 below 然.

⁵ With Kao Hêng 於 above 郎門之外 is superfluous.

⁶ 亡國之臣 means "ministers who caused the states to go to ruin".

⁷ With Wang Hsien-shen 禪 means 擅.

⁸ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 晉 above 伯陽 is superfluous.

⁹ With Yü Yüeh 秦 is a mistake for 晉.

¹⁰ With Yü Yüeh 衛 is a mistake for 魯.

¹¹ 食穀 literally means "eating grains".

¹² 不令之民.

¹³ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 申胥 should be 葆申 who was a minister to King Wên of Ch`u and was famous for his bitter expostulation.

¹⁴ With Wang Hsien-shen 晉 above 僑如 is superfluous. Ch`iao Ju was Shu-sun Hsüan-pai of Lu.

¹⁵ With Wang 若夫 above 昏亂之君 should be removed.

¹⁶ With Wang 鬴洧 refers to 釜鍑, which traces its source to the Yang-ch`êng Mountains.

¹⁷ 霸王之佐.

¹⁸ With Wang Hsien-shen 王孫 should be 公孫.

¹⁹ The men enumerated number eleven instead of twelve. With Ku Kuangts`ê there must be some hiatus among them.

²⁰ With the Historical Records 六十 should be supplied above 七日.

²¹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 相 above 與 is superfluous.

²² With Wang Hsien-shen 忌 should be 誠.

²³ 瑞節. In ancient China credentials carried by envoys and messengers were made of 瑞 "jade tablets" or 節 "bamboo tablets".

²⁴ With Lu Wên-shao 之於 above 左右 is superfluous.

²⁵ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 弱 below 長幼 is superfluous and 也 above 及 should be 世.

²⁶ With Ku 人 below 得 is superfluous.

²⁷ How Yi Ya took Wei, is not known.

²⁸ With Wang Hsien-shen 六人 should be 八人.

²⁹ With Wang 攄 should be 接.

³⁰ With Yü Yüeh 法 below 轉身 is superfluous.

³¹ With Yü 傅 should be 傳.

³² With Wang Hsien-shen the Ch`ien-tao edition has 主 in place of 臣.

³³ I propose 十數年 for 數十年 because according to the Historical Records Marquis Ching was on the throne only for twelve years.

³⁴ With Kao Hêng 湮 reads 抑 which means 治.

³⁵ With Wang Hsien-shen 其何故 should be 其故何.

³⁶ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 疑 reads 擬. To me 擬 here refers to 擬罪.

³⁷ With Wang Hsien-ch`ien 立談 should be 談立.

³⁸ Wang Hsien-shen proposed 道 for 適.

³⁹ 上無意下無怪 means, according to Wang Hsien-shen, that the ruler does not have to make use of camouflage to watch his ministers while the ministers do not have to fabricate facts to embellish their discussions.

¹ 詭使.

² 私學. By "private studies" Han Fei Tzŭ means studies in any subject not directly allied with Politics and Jurisprudence.

³ With Kao Hêng 躁 below 險 reads 譟 which means 詐.

⁴ With Wang Hsien-shen 佻 above 反覆 is superfluous.

⁵ With Kao Hêng 漸 above 行 means 姦亂.

⁶ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 池 should be 地, and with Yü Yüeh 城 above it is superfluous.

⁷ With Yü 狐蟲 should be 孤蠱.

⁸ With Kao Hêng 施 below 諂 stands for 迆 which means "to walk out of the straight path".

⁹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 平 before 原野 is superfluous.

¹⁰ With Kao Hêng 無宅容身死田畝 should be 身死無宅舍田畝 .

¹¹ With Lu Wên-shao 無 above 私學 is superfluous.

¹² With Wang Nien-sun 屬 is a mistake for 厲.

¹³ 措 below 法 should be 令.

¹ 六反. Its English rendering by L. T. Chen is "Six Contradictions" (Liang, op. cit., p. 126, f. 1).

² 權. The doctrine of expediency is peculiarly utilitarian: The end justifies any means. It is what the Confucians abhorred most and the Legalists practised best.

³ With Hirazawa 殺 here does not mean "kill" but 減 "lessen" or "subtract."

⁴ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 法 should be 洽.

⁵ With Ku 官官治 should be 民用官治.

⁶ With Kao Hêng 關 above 子 means 置 or 措.

⁷ Used in punishing criminals and mischievous children.

⁸ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 人 below 仁 is superfluous.

⁹ With Ku 美 should be 分.

¹⁰ With Ku 知 should be 智.

¹¹ According to Yü Yüeh the original of this passage should be 明主之法也揆賊非治所揆也治所揆也者是治死人也。

¹² With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 順 should read 愼.

¹³ With Wang Hsien-shen 民 above 道 is superfluous.

¹⁴ With Ku and Wang 恐 is a mistake for 怨.

¹⁵ With Wang Wei 賞 should be 刑.

¹⁶ Lao Tzŭ's appellation.

¹⁷ v. Lao Tzŭ's Tao Tah Ching, Chap. XLIV.

¹ 八說. Its English rendering by L. T. Chen is "The Eight Theories" (Liang, op. cit., p. 127, f. 3), which is inaccurate.

² With Wan Hsien-ch`ien 所 before 惽 is superfluous.

³ With Wang 君 before 事 is superfluous.

⁴ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 德 should be 得.

⁵ With Wang Hsien-ch`ien 所 before 師法 is superfluous.

⁶ Ku Kuang-ts'ê read 適 for 敵.

⁷ With Sun I-jang 有方 should be 酋矛.

⁸ Ku Kuang-ts'ê read 奏 for 溱.

⁹ Such was the practice of one of the Six Arts in the school curriculum during the Chou Dynasty.

¹⁰ These were special kinds of weapons employed by King Wên of Chou.

¹¹ Wang Hsien-shen proposed 垂 for 乘.

¹² 勸飯之說.

¹³ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 民訟簡 should be 民盟訟.

¹⁴ With Ku 以 above 責 should be 不.

¹⁵ Most famous musicians in those days were talented blind folk.

¹⁶ Sun I-jang proposed 橋 for 驕.

¹⁷ With Wang Hsien-shen 遷官襲級官爵受功 means 遷官襲紙必因其功.

¹⁸ With Wang 言不度行 should be 言必行.

¹ 八經. The text of this work was originally so corrupt that Ku Kuang-ts'ê gave it up as hopeless. Since the time of Wang Hsien-shen scholars have managed to read it intelligibly. 八經 literally means "eight warps", each warp representing a canon giving the ruler advice on how to control his ministers. In structure and function this work closely resembles those on the "Inner and Outer Congeries of Sayings".

² 因情, removed from the end of the canon to the beginning.

³ 收智. The sub-title is original.

⁴ 主道.

⁵ 結智. The sub-title is original.

⁶ With Wang Hsien-shên 在 should be 任.

⁷ With Kao Hêng 分 below 不 should be 紛. I disagree with him.

⁸ With Kao 怒 below 而 means 責.

⁹ With Wang Hsien-shên 誅 is a mistake for 論.

¹⁰ With Ku Kuang-ts'ê 智 should be 至.

¹¹ With Wang Hsien-shen 下 above 則 is superfluous.

¹² 起亂.

¹³ With Wang, Chao's edition has 異 below 以.

¹⁴ With Kao Hêng 籍 below 權 means 勢位.

¹⁵ Wang Hsien-shen thought there were hiatuses following this passage.

¹⁶ With Sun I-jang and Wang Hsien-ch`ien 結 above 誅 should be 詰.

¹⁷ 姦 refers to culprits outside; 宄 to those inside.

¹⁸ 質.

¹⁹ 鎭.

²⁰ 固.

²¹ Wang Hsien-shen proposed 責怒 for 貴帑.

²² With Wang 忍不制則下上 should be 上不制則下忍.

²³ With Ku Kuang-ts'ê 誅 should be supplied above 而.

²⁴ 除陰姦. "Invisible culprits" refer to those who do not openly violate any written law and so can not be publicly convicted of any crime, but are in reality antagonists to the existing law.

²⁵ With Yü Yüeh 翳 means 蔽.

²⁶ With Kao Hêng 曰 in both cases should be 因.

²⁷ 游禍.

²⁸ 狎賊.

²⁹ 增亂.

³⁰ 卷禍. With Sun I-jang 卷 should be 養.

³¹ Sun read 隆 for 關.

³² 彈威. With Wang Hsien-ch'ien 彈 is a mistake for 殫.

³³ "To originate from inside" means "to originate on the initiative of the ruler himself" and "to originate from outside" means "to originate with enemy states".

³⁴ 立道. 道 here refers to 叅伍之道. Cf. Supra, XXXI, p. 5, f. 2.

³⁵ With Kao Hêng 怒 in both cases should be 責.

³⁶ With Kao 前 stands for 剪 meaning 剪裁.

³⁷ Kao proposed the supply of 罰 above 比周.

³⁸ With Kao and Lu Wên-shao 也 below 賞異 is superfluous.

³⁹ With Kao 母謁 means 女謁.

⁴⁰ With Wang Hsien-shen 攻 should be 攷.

⁴¹ With Wang 澤 should read 擇.

⁴² Hirazawa proposed 其常 for 非常. To me the change is unnecessary.

⁴³ With Kao Hêng 務 above 近習 should be 矜 which means 戒.

⁴⁴ With Yü Yüeh 疏置 should be 置疏.

⁴⁵ With Yü 論反 should be 反論.

⁴⁶ Wang Wei read 諫 for 閒.

⁴⁷ Wang Hsien-ch`ien read 讀 for 偽.

⁴⁸ With Kao Hêng 辟 refers to ### which is synonymous with 罪.

⁴⁹ With Kao 止 above 威 should be 正.

⁵⁰ 條達之道.

⁵¹ For the topic of this canon Hirazawa's edition has 周密 in place of 叅言. I regard 周密 as more suitable than 叅言.

⁵² Ku Kuang-ts'ê read 償 for 瀆.

⁵³ Kao Hêng called the former way of judicial administration "deductive" and the latter "inductive."

⁵⁴ 連 consists of two hundred and fifty families.

⁵⁵ 縣 consists of two thousand five hundred families.

⁵⁶ Wang Hsien-shen was wrong in regarding 失 as superfluous.

⁵⁷ Wang proposed 利 for 和.

⁵⁸ 叅言 as the title of this canon suits the content very well.

⁵⁹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 放 below 則 is superfluous, and 官收 should be 收官.

⁶⁰ With Wang Hsien-ch`ien 内 means 納.

⁶¹ With Lu Wên-shao and Wang Hsien-shen 今 is a mistake for 令.

⁶² With Wang 語 below 誠 is superfluous.

⁶³ 聼法.

⁶⁴ With Wang Hsien-ch'ien 功 below 亂 is superfluous.

⁶⁵ Wang Wei thought the sentence 然則民無榮於賞之内 involves errors or hiatuses. Hirazawa's and the Waseda edition proposed 外 for 内. Evidently they treated 於 above 賞之外 as a preposition, "inside". Then 無榮於賞之外 means in English "no glory except reward". To me there is no need of changing 内 into 外. As 於 can be treated as a conjunction, "than", 無榮於賞之内 means "nothing more glorious than to be included among the rewarded" or concisely "nothing more glorious than to be rewarded."

⁶⁶ 主威. The text of Canon Eight has 類柄 at the beginning and 主威 at the end. 主威 suits the general thought of this canon better than 類柄.

⁶⁷ With Sun I-jang 紋 should be 納.

⁶⁸ Wang Hsien-shen proposed the supply of 令 below 法.

⁶⁹ 無常之國.

⁷⁰ I read 隅 for 偶.

⁷¹ Wang Hsien-shen thought there were hiatuses following this passage.

⁷² 有道之國.

¹ 五蠹. The English rendering of L. T. Chen is "On Five Sources of Trouble" (Liang, op. cit., p. 129, f. 1), which is neither faithful nor elegant. For the present translation I owe thanks to Dr. Davy Yü.

² Wang Hsien-shen proposed the supply of 鯀 below 舞.

³ With Wang 湯武禹 should be 禹湯武.

⁴ With Wang 土槖 should be 士橐 which means 仕託.

⁵ In fact he never assumed either the power or the title of king.

⁶ Wang Ch`ung put thirty-two in place of thirty-six in his "Refutation of Han Fei Tzŭ" in his Discourse and Balance.

⁷ King Wên of Ching and King Yen of Hsü were not contemporaries. As pointed out by Lu Wên-shao, King Yen of Hsü lived at the time of King Mu (1001-946 b.c.) of Chou and so much earlier than King Wên (689-671 b.c.) of Ching.

⁸ 有苗. 有 has no additional sense.

⁹ 德 roughly means "virtue".

¹⁰ 道 roughly means "the course of nature".

¹¹ Tzŭ-kung being a close follower of Confucius must have advanced moral arguments to dissuade Ch`i from attacking Lu.

¹² 儒 refers to the followers of Confucius.

¹³ 墨 refers to the followers of Mo Tzŭ.

¹⁴ With Wang Hsien-shen 視民 should be 民視.

¹⁵ The whole paragraph was translated into English by Duyvendak in his The Book of Lord Shang (Pp. 113-114). I have, however, found it necessary to make a different translation on many points.

¹⁶ 十仞. One jên is about four feet long.

¹⁷ A younger brother of Marquis Wên of Wey, known to be a good athlete.

¹⁸ Thus, a good athlete can not pass over a steep wall, but crippled she-goats can easily graze on a flat-topped mountain. Likewise, great robbers dare not violate strict laws, but common people would dare to disregard laws that are lenient.

¹⁹ One hsin 尋 is about eight feet long.

²⁰ One ch`ang 常 is about sixteen feet long.

²¹ I propose 必不害 for 不必害.

²² Such as farming and spinning, which were handed down from generation to generation.

²³ The cavaliers were known for their courage in using their swords.

²⁴ 自環 as represented by the symbol Ssŭ 厶 means "selfish" or "private" or both.

²⁵ Ssŭ 私, which means "private" or "selfish" or both, is made of Ho 禾 or "rice" and Ssŭ 厶 or "self-centred".

²⁶ Kung 公 is made of Ssŭ 厶 and Pa 八, the latter being equivalent to Pei 背 meaning "act contrary to". Thus, to be public-spirited, one very often has to act contrary to one's private interest.

²⁷ 廉 is a mistake for 兼.

²⁸ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 良 below 賢 is superfluous.

²⁹ v. Work VII.

³⁰ Han Fei Tzŭ's theory of truth is very similar to the modern pragmatic theory. A name is true only if the fact it connotes actually exists; a word is true only if the deed it purports is equivalent to it; and a task is true only if the result of its function comes up to its expected level and not beyond the level. The "consequence theory" of truth thus stands in sharp contrast with both the "coherence" and the "correspondence" theories.

³¹ With Yü Yüeh 未 above 必 is superfluous.

³² With Yü 兵 below 請 is superfluous.

³³ With Yü 未 above 必 is superfluous.

³⁴ With Wang Wei 交大 should be 敵大.

³⁵ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 内 should be 外.

³⁶ With Ku 外 should be 内.

³⁷ With Wang Hsien-shen 政計 should be 自計.

³⁸ 汗馬之勞 literally means "such toil as would make the horse perspire".

³⁹ With Yü Yüeh 私 is a mistake for 利.

⁴⁰ I propose 求得則利安， 安利之所在也民安得勿就 for 求得則私安則利之所在安得勿就.

⁴¹ This sharp contrast between public spirited citizens and private protégés as made by Han Fei Tzŭ still has permanent value to every modern student of law and politics. From this point alone it is clear enough that the teaching of Han Fei Tzŭ is as needful to the modern age as to antiquity.

⁴² Kao Hêng proposed 以趨本務而寡未作 for 以寡趨本務而趨末作 .

⁴³ I propose 贋貨 for 貨賈.

⁴⁴ Kao Hêng proposed 商賈 for 高價.

⁴⁵ Ku Kuang-ts`ê proposed 言談 for 言古.

⁴⁶ The Ministries of War, of Instruction, of Revenue, of Public Works, and of Justice.

⁴⁷ 患御 means 近習 as 患 refers to 串 which is equivalent to 習.

¹ 顯學. Its English rendering by L. T. Chen is "Upholding Learning" (Liang. op. cit., p. 129, f. 2), which is incorrect.

² With Kao Hêng 殷周 and 虞夏 as misplaced in the text should replace each other.

³ 賃子而償 is found in the Royal Readings.

⁴ This Ch`i-tiao must be different from the one already mentioned.

⁵ This means to maintain his dignity.

⁶ This means to maintain his steadfastness.

⁷ I propose 說 for 設.

⁸ The Palace Library edition has 明 in place of 民.

⁹ Commander of Wey's Army defeated by General Pai Ch`i of Ch`in in 273 b.c.

¹⁰ The style of Chao Kua, who was defeated by Pai Ch`i in 260 b.c.

¹¹ They need so alloy tin with iron to make swords.

¹² With Wang Hsien-shen 區 and 歐 were synonyms.

¹³ With Wang Hsien-shen 數 should be 象人.

¹⁴ With Wang 顯而榮 should be 而顯榮.

¹⁵ The German rendering of this passage by Alfred Forke reads: "Wenn such Fürsten und Könige der feindlichen Staaten rich an unserer Rechtschaf-fenheit freuen, so sind wir doch (in ihren Augen) keine Menschen, haben Tribut zu zahlen and zu dienen." This is evidently because he misread 吾弗入貢而臣 for 吾弗人，貢而臣 (v. Geschiches der alten chinesischen Philosophis, p. 476).

¹⁶ Namely, within the sphere of our influence.

¹⁷ Forke's translation of this passage reads: "Wenn auch die Fürsten innerhalb der Pässe unser Tun verurteilen, so können wir sie doch ergreifen lassen und an unsern Hof zitieren." Again, he mistook for 執禽 for 執擒 (v. Ibid.). 禽 literally means "birds" but in this case it connotes both birds and animals. "The Board of Ceremonies" in the Rites of Chou says: "For the classification of different vassals different birds and animals were used to make six kinds of presents to the superior. The feudal lords bring fur robes, the nobles kid skin, the high officers wild-geese, the gentry pheasants, the commoners ducks, and the craftsmen and salesmen fowls." Again, there is a passage in the Book of the Warring States as follows: "Men became vassals, women concubines, all bringing birds and following the coachmen on the way."

¹⁸ Forke's translation of this passage reads: ". . . . . . während durch Verhinderung des Bösen die Bewohner des ganzen Reichs sich regieren lassen." For this he read the text as 用人不得為非，一國可使齊為治也 (Op. cit., p. 478). According to Ku Kuang-ts`ê the last three characters 為治也 should be 為治者 which is the subject of the following sentence 為治者，用眾而舍寡.

¹⁹ With Wang Hsien-shen 雖有 above 不恃隱栝 is superfluous.

²⁰ With Wang 有 should be 恃.

²¹ 狂 means 誑.

²² With Kao Hêng 論 in both cases stands for 謏.

²³ With Kao Hêng 論 in both cases stands for 謏.

²⁴ With Wang Hsien-shen 毛嗇 should be 毛嬙.

²⁵ With Wang 腹 is a mistake for 復.

²⁶ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 介 should be 分.

²⁷ Ku thought there were hiatuses both above and below 解, which alone, if literally translated, makes no unity of thought in the whole passage, and is therefore not translated.

²⁸ Namely, the Yangtse River.

²⁹ Namely, the Yellow River.

¹ 忠孝.

² Quoted from Shên Tzŭ.

³ v. Works of Mencius, Bk, V, Pt. I.

⁴ With Wang Hsien-shen 臣主 should be 主臣.

⁵ With Wang Hsien-shen 舞 should be supplied above 殺.

⁶ Emperor Yao's two daughters, Ê-huang and Nü-ying, both married Shun in 2288 b.c.

⁷ Legge's trans.

⁸ With Wang Wei 雖眾 should be 離眾.

⁹ 恬淡之學. v. Lao Tzŭ's Tao Tah Ching, Ch. XXXI, "Quelling War."

¹⁰ 恍惚之言. v. Ibid., Ch. XXI, "Emptying the Heart."

¹¹ With Wang Hsien-shen 之人 should be 人生.

¹² With Wang 以 between 必 and 言 is superfluous.

¹³ 黔首 refers to the masses of people who, as not allowed to wear hats or crowns, had to expose their black hair on their heads. It was in 221 b.c., the 26th year of the Initiating Emperor of Ch`in, that the Emperor began calling the people "the black-headed"—twelve years after Han Fei Tzŭ's death (233 b.c.). Granting this work to be genuine, the term must have been inserted posthumously by the author's followers.

¹⁴ Hsü Yu and Robber Chê.

¹⁵ With Ku Kuang-tu`ê 太平 should be 太上.

¹⁶ With Ku 太平 should be 太下.

¹⁷ With Ku 侯 between 諸 and 言從者 is superfluous.

¹⁸ By it Han Fei Tzŭ meant not Mt. T`ai but Mt. Hua situated on the border between Ch`in and the warring states to her east.

¹⁹ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 止 above 五霸 is superfluous.

¹ 人主.

² 百獸 refers to all kinds of animals.

³ Wang Hsien-shen read 環 for 營.

⁴ Wang proposed the supply of 於 before 距敵.

⁵ Wang read 知 for 智.

⁶ 屬鏤, name of the sword which King Fu-ch`a in 484 b.c. accorded Wu Tzŭ-hsü for suicide.

¹ 節令. This work is in many points identical with Lord Shang's "Making Orders Strict". Duyvendak's translation has furnished its rendering with helpful reference (Cf. The Book of Lord Shang, Par. 13, pp. 252-259).

² The Book of Lord Shang has 治不留 in place of 法不遷.

³ With Wang Hsien-shen 售 should be 害.

⁴ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê and Wang 曲 should be 由.

⁵ Duyvendak was wrong in taking 里 here for "hamlet".

⁶ Throughout his translation of The Book of Lord Shang Duyvendak made no distinction between 刑 and 罰. Generally speaking, 刑 refers to the implements of punishment while 罰 refers to the act of applying penal implements.

⁷ Wang Hsien-shen proposed the repetition of 爵.

⁸ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 震 should be 農.

⁹ Ku read 成 for 盛.

¹⁰ With Ku 威 should be 盛.

¹¹ Following this there is missing a long passage which is found in The Book of Lord Shang.

¹² With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 當 should be 富.

¹³ Duyvendak's translation reads "government by statistics". Though 數 here refers to such techniques of political control as involve both mathematical certainty in nature and mechanical efficiency in function, "figures" seems to me more proper than "statistics".

¹⁴ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 害 should be 官.

¹⁵ With Ku 道壞 should be 莫懷.

¹⁶ With Ku 乘宮 should be 兼官.

¹⁷ With Ku 使明者不相干 should be 明君使事不相干.

¹⁸ As remarked by Wang Wei, the whole paragraph should be collated with Work XXVII (Supra, p. 269 et. seq.) and rectified with it as was done by Ku Kuang-ts`ê. According to Ku 言此謂易攻 below 故莫爭 is superfluous.

¹⁹ Ku read 空 for 孔.

²⁰ Wang Hsien-shen proposed the supply of 其國必強 below 此謂以刑去刑.

¹ 心度.

² Distinguishing between 權 and 政, Han Fei Tzŭ evidently differentiated the government as political machinery from the supreme authority—or sovereignty, to use a term of modern political science—behind it, and again the supreme authority from the person through whose will-power it could be exercised. Thus, he answered in this short paragraph such principal problems of modern political theory as, What is sovereignty? Where is sovereignty located? and, How does sovereignty function?

³ With Ku 天 above 下 is superfluous.

⁴ I propose 政 above 必塞.

⁵ Ku proposed 其 for 而.

⁶ Wang Hsien-shen proposed 民亂 for 其法.

⁷ Wang Hsien-ch`ien proposed 唯法為治 for 唯治唯法.

⁸ With Ku Kuang-ts`ê 知 reads 智.

⁹ Wang Hsien-ch`ien proposed 法不易 for 治不易.

¹⁰ With Wang 治 below 能 is superfluous.

¹¹ With Ku 治 above 法 is superfluous.

¹² Ku proposed 趨 for 越.

¹³ Ku proposed 趨 for 起.

¹⁴ Ku proposed 閉 for 聞.

¹⁵ Ku proposed 始 for 治 above 立.

¹⁶ With Ku 適 should be 道.

¹⁷ With Kao Hêng 關 below 無所 means 置 or 措.

¹ 制分.

² Ku Kuang-ts`ê proposed 大凡 for 夫凡.

³ Wang Hsien-ch`ien proposed 宜不 for 不宜.

⁴ Kao Hêng proposed 以 below 不.

⁵ 治亂之理 literally means "the Logos of Order and Chaos", which means the science and philosophy of politics.

⁶ With Kao Hêng 規 means 窺.

⁷ Ku Kuang-ts`ê proposed 里 for 理.

⁸ With Lu Wên-shao 刑 and 形 were synonyms.

⁹ With Wang Hsien-ch`ien 容其 above 二 is superfluous.

¹⁰ With Wang 故 should be above 實.

¹¹ With Wang Hsien-shen 法定 should be 釋法.

¹² With Wang 黑 should be supplied above 白.